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The publication of the work "The Sense of Beauty" by the philosopher George Santayana marks the maturity of American aesthetics. From a naturalistic psychological approach he turns to the question of beauty to understand why, how and where beauty arises, the conditions necessary for its formation and the elements that help its flowering. Despite its importance, since the philosopher's death in 1952, his work has fallen into a semi forgotten stage. The purpose of this work is precisely to recover from the historical limbo this work so relevant to clarify how Santayana treated the problem of beauty of his youth work.

The present study is based on the relationship between philosophy and literature with Nietzsche and Kafka as the main authors studied. The central question of this study is how to comprehend some of Nietzsche's philosophy in Kafka's literary pieces? In this way, the goal is to analyze a potential reading of the concepts will of power and nihilism. The text's proposal develops in two moments: characterizing Nietzsche's philosophy with the will of power and nihilism concepts as main points of the books considered as "mature" written by this author and presenting Kafka's piece Carta ao pai as an alternative to overcome nihilism with the main starting point being the relationship between will of power and art characterized by a determined period in Nietzsche's philosophy as active nihilism. Thus, the text primes at developing not just a descriptive analysis through bibliographic research focusing on the cited manuscripts, but also searching fundaments to arguments made by some commentators of both authors in specific points.

Este artigo tem por objetivo problematizar a tematização do outro pela Filosofia. Dialogando com imagens do cinema e da televisão, procura identificar quais as imagens ou os conceitos do outro, produzidos na história da Filosofia. De forma esquemática, apresenta as imagens do outro como bárbaro (Aristóteles); exótico (Montaigne); civilizado (Voltaire); inferno (Sartre), para, ao final, ensaiar uma "não-imagem" do outro como diferença radical, proposta pela filosofia da diferença de Deleuze.

This thesis investigated the relation between philosophy and the practice of writing texts in order to treat the following issue: There are alternative ways of expression and development of philosophy beyond those related to resources of verbal language? As there seems to be a necessary connection between philosophy and verbal language in the Western philosophical tradition, we aim to rethink philosophical practices within the university and to analyze the existing potential of various formats of thinking. Initially, we present the contributions of an inter/multidisciplinary approach to philosophy, pointing to the paradigm of complexity as an appropriate resource for investigating contemporary philosophical problems. We understand that the complexity paradigm has been designed to provide a shift in philosophy that takes it beyond the realm of verbal language. As a case study, we discuss the central features of Brazilian philosophy in the context of the public university. In this context, we analyze the limits of verbal language as an expression of thoughts. Finally, we discuss the potential of non-verbal forms in philosophical reflection, analyzing their contributions and limits for the development of genuine philosophizing.

Marx's engagement in philosophy has from the outset attempted a more objective development of humanism insofar as it only enters into such discipline in pursuit of a rationality whose development is not cut off from the concrete transformation of the world. Such is his impression of philosophy under the Hegelian dialectic: only philosophical reason would perceive itself as an undisputed form of reality, being able to realize the humanism that in Law is given as a pure idealism. In the Preparatory Notes for his doctoral thesis entitled Difference between the Philosophies of Democritus and Epicurus (DFDE) Marx developed a philosophy of history alternative to that of Hegel, indicating that democracy did not suffer decline in Greece due to the development of philosophical reason, but because of the victory of a philosophical reason that had undergone a change to theology.

The notions of enthusiasm and fanaticism, besides the fact that they were associated with the concrete phenomenon of religious zeal at the time of the Reformation, were also, throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, the object of a literature that built a specific image of the so-called enthusiasts, be they the English Puritans, the Huguenot prophets or the Jansenist convulsionaries. By constructing this image, literature - philosophical, medical or satirical - produced at the same time the specular image of itself, sometimes as pure alterity in relation to the fanatic, sometimes relativizing this opposition. Our journey starts from some of these formulations in England at the beginning of the 17th century, and then pays attention carefully to the elaborations of Swift and Diderot about fanaticism and enthusiasm, from the beginning to the middle of the 18th century, showing that philosophy itself, often understood as the opposite of fanaticism or madness, can also become its other when it gives in to enthusiasm.

The present article makes considerations on two essential concepts in the philosophy of Montesquieu: the nature and the principle of the regimes. At first, we demonstrate the types of regimes that exist in Montesquieu's thought. As we have pointed out, Montesquieu presents a typology of regimes different from that presented by Aristotle. One question we approach is that, for Montesquieu, despotism is considered to be a regime in its own and not a deviation. After dealing with this question, we analyze the concept of nature and principle of regimes. The first term refers to subjects who exercise power as well as the way in which power is exercised. The second term, however, is related to the predominant sentiments of the governed over the regime. Finally, we analyze the nature and principle of each regime.

The problem of inequality is presented as a constant object of reflection in the philosophy of Rousseau, pervading several of his works. Seeking to analyze the relationship between social inequality and political corruption in Rousseau's thought, through the defense of the hypothesis that social inequality is a phenomenon responsible for the advent of political corruption, we intend, in this article, first, to examine the distinctions between natural inequality and social inequality, or establish their specific characteristics, as Rousseau understands each; second, to analyse how social inequality can produce political corruption, that is, to understand why inequality of wealth, in producing luxury, can thus engender political corruption, and thirdly, to show which are the most drastic consequences of social inequality in the republic. Thus, we aim to establish a fruitful debate and a consistent reflection.

The notion of public opinion as a process cannot be limited solely to the empirical basis of a theory, it must also focus on the position that this notion occupies with respect to the interpretation of society. Jürgen Habermas's approach to public opinion stems from his classic work on Bourgeois Advertising. Habermas constructs the Normative Theory of Democracy, which is based on the communicative conditions in which a Discursive Formation of the Opinion and Will of a public formed by the citizens of a State can take place as an unfolding of the analyzes about the public opinion. In this argumentative way, Habermas takes up the historical-philosophical project of modernity, attributing to the public opinion the function of legitimizing the political domain through a critical process of communication based on the principles of a rationally motivated consensus. The scope of this article is to make explicit the constitutive elements of the habermasian reflections on the Rational Formation of Opinion and Will, since it is from this primordial concept that we can understand the legitimation of the Rule of Law. We will trace what led the habermasian reflection to seek the conditions of an authentic participation of individuals in a public space, where there is responsibility and solidarity in the execution of the solutions of the problems of a community, and its consequent unfolding that leads to the theory of political power.

In this article, I analyze Wittgenstein's conception of the nature and function of philosophy, discussing his deflationary method used for the treatment of philosophical problems. I show the reasons by which Wittgenstein would have understood philosophy as an elucidative activity, whose main purpose would be to dissolve philosophical problems through the logical (and/or phenomenological) analysis. In order to do so, I divide the article into three sections, in which I discuss Wittgenstein's thinking from the Tractatus Logico-philosophicus (1921), from Some Remarks on Logical Form (1929) and from the Philosophical Remarks (1929-1930), respectively. Initially, I present Wittgenstein's critique of the possibility of interpreting philosophy as a discipline that, as with science, can offer a theoretical representation of some domain of objects or facts. Subsequently, I list some changes in his description of the philosophical activity, showing that until the beginning of his middle-period philosophy, Wittgenstein maintains the perspective that the function of philosophy would be to distinguish between real (solvable) theoretical problems and philosophical pseudo-problems.

This article aims to present the contributions of Ludwig Wittgenstein to the foundation of psychological knowledge and practice. This will be done in two fundamental movements: first, we will reconstruct Wittgenstein's interlocutors (empirical psychology, phenomenology and Freudian psychoanalysis) and the questions that were presupposed in each of them (Cartesianism and imprecise use of language). Second, we will argue about the analytic method that Wittgenstein chose to deal with these questions. This means at least two things: (1) Wittgenstein assumes that the descriptive language (of facts in the world) is the standard for human interlocution, but that expressive language (of subjective occurrences) also has its place of importance, still that with reservations; (2) this distinction of grammars will justify his method of dealing with psychological issues: through the interpretation and description of behavior, understood as an external manifestation of inner experiences, the third person will have privileged access to the occurrences of first-person consciousness. We will conclude with critical considerations on the benefits and shortcomings of the Wittgensteinian approach.

O artigo tem por objetivo sustentar que é possível uma aproximação do campo filosófico com a psicanálise. Tomando o pensamento de Nietzsche e de Freud como eixo de interlocução, procura evidenciar que ambos os autores trataram de empreender a destruição das evidências acerca do entendimento do sujeito e do lugar da subjetividade na história da Razão ocidental. A hipótese central é que a análise da teoria das pulsões em Nietzsche foi uma contribuição decisiva para o próprio entendimento de Freud acerca dos instintos e das pulsões em sua segunda tópica. Se a psicanálise dialoga desde o seu início com a filosofia, é possível sustentar que tal empreendimento não pode mais deixar de ocorrer, pois a temática do sujeito e sua constituição tornaram-se cruciais para o avanço do pensamento filosófico e psicanalítico.

In the present paper we will analyze one of the trends of Russian legal philosophy which exerts a considerable influence on the political processes on-going in this country. This trend is revealed in so called state-centralism: an ideology according to which the State is omnipotent and can interfere with any matters without any limitation from inside or outside. This "ideology of Leviathan" has been many times articulated in legal philosophy, to begin with Plato or Aristotle. In Russia this ideology has found a fertile soil, as its waste spaces, heterogeneous population and unfriendly environment (both in political and natural senses) made it clear for many that without powerful central authorities there will be no further for such a big country. To wit, it will either fall apart as the French, British and other empires, or will need to get modernized and restructured according to the models of other big Western counties (like the US). This paper is developed on the base of two lectures that the present author gave in 2013 and 2014 at Law School of the Federal University of Parana grace to kind invitation and support of this School and to relentless efforts of Professor Cesar Serbena. We do hope that this paper will be an important adjunct to our lectures and will be helpful to those of our Brazilian colleagues who seek to understand the actual political situation in Russia, its implications and perspectives in the light of philosophical debates that underpin these discourses. ; No presente artigo analisaremos uma das tendências da filosofia jurídica russa que exerce uma influência considerável nos atuais processos políticos deste país. Essa tendência manifesta-se no chamado centralismo estatal: uma ideologia segundo a qual o Estado é onipotente e pode interferir em qualquer assunto, sem nenhuma limitação interna ou externa. Essa "ideologia do Leviatã" foi por muitas vezes articulada na filosofia jurídica; para começar, com Platão e Aristóteles, e, na Rússia, encontrou um solo fértil, pois seus territórios devastados, sua população heterogênea e seu ambiente pouco amigável (tanto política quanto naturalmente) deixaram claro para muitos que, sem autoridades centrais fortes, não haverá futuro para esse país tão grande. Em resumo, ou a Rússia ruirá como a Inglaterra, a França e outros impérios, ou precisará se modernizar e se reestruturar de acordo com os modelos de outros grandes países ocidentais (como os EUA). Este artigo foi desenvolvido com base em duas palestras que o presente autor apresentou em 2013 e em 2014 na Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal do Paraná graças ao convite e suporte desta Faculdade e aos esforços incansáveis do Professor Cesar Antonio Serbena. Nós sinceramente esperamos que este artigo seja uma importante adição às palestras e que seja de alguma ajuda aos nossos colegas brasileiros que buscam compreender a situação política atual da Rússia, assim como implicações e perspectivas sob a luz dos debates filosóficos que permeiam estes discursos.

This article aims to disseminate part of the results of an investigation about the organization of a philosophy teaching proposed in the inter and transdisciplinary perspectives. It was a question of how this teaching was being organized in a particular educational unit. Thus, to investigate this problem, a qualitative descriptive research was carried out. The methodological course was constituted by theoretical investigation and incursion into the field. The first stage consisted of bibliographical research and documentary analysis. The second was to observe the organization of teaching in the classroom. The analysis of data was used as the data analysis technique. The issues discussed in this article refer to the set of classes in which the knowledge problem was addressed. It was concluded that the characteristics of the teaching observed, with respect to the problematic in question, allow to consider it a "modest" school multidisciplinarity.

Habermas discusses the chances for the establishment of world citizenship in contemporary society, marked by multiculturalism and the process of globalization. Habermas identifies the historical configuration of the post-national constellation, and from there themed the transition from international law to the law of citizens of the world, which aligns the concept of citizenship to the idea of ​​human rights. Habermas analyzes the Kantian idea of ​​a cosmopolitan state in which citizens are legal subjects of their respective States and members of a cosmopolitan entity. Kant elaborates on the concept of world republic, which Habermas disagrees with, but offers the example of the European Union for a discussion on the realization of a just and peaceful international order. Based on the Kantian orientation of constituting an order of world citizenship, Habermas discusses the conformation and viability of this idea in contemporary times. For Habermas, it is possible to spell out the idea of ​​cosmopolitan citizenship. From the European Union, cooperation between States and citizens shows that a cosmopolitan community is needed to complement an international community of States.