The article is an account of Romanian Marxist discourse between 1970 and 1980, one that was completely engaged in the justification and legitimation of the contemporary totalitarian political regime. Radu Florian's works, one of the most representative authors of this decade, are analysed via the conceptual lenses of Austrian economic theory. This methodological approach is quite fertile, since it generates clear explanations why Marxist theory and the communist state incarnating its teachings could not and cannot implement their claims. The samples of Romanian Marxist discourse under scrutiny are a showcase of philosophy invaded by rhetorics and converted into ideology. The author concludes that Romanian Marxism in the designated period represents a long line of contradictions resulting from the attempt to adapt a cruel reality to a generous and humane self-construction of a political programme.
In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Band 4, S. 11-21
U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.
U radu se raspravlja o prisutnosti i aktualnosti filozofskog, dakle kritičkog promišljaja fenomena psihe i psihijatrije na geo-povijesnom tlu Republike Hrvatske, s metodološkim fokusom na: reprezentativne autore, spise i inicijative relevantne za navedeni diskurs, prisutnost sistematskog provođenja obrazovanja u sklopu fakultetskih kurikuluma, te izdavačku aktivnost tematski usmjerenu na problematiku psihe. Usmjerit će se i na domenu odnosa filozofije i psihe/psihijatrije u povijesnoj mereološkoj konstelaciji, njezin značaj za filozofiju psihe, kao i kategorički neodvojivi odnos filozofije i izučavanja psihe per se. Autor uvodi tezu da je filozofija psihe idealan misaoni poligon na kojem se isprepliću rudimentarni filozofijski disciplinarni smjerovi u rasponu od hermeneutike, fenomenologije, ontologije, epistemologije, logike, pa do socijalne i političke filozofije, filozofije egzistencije i etike. Kao idealni znanstveno-filozofski meritor predlaže se orijentacijska disciplina integrativne bioetike kao teleološki most za sjedinjavanje navedenih filozofskih disciplina. Pritom je naglasak na predmetu fenomena života, koji je evaluiran u analogiji sa semantikom predsokratovskog pojma ψυχή (psukhe). ; The paper discusses the presence and actuality of the philosophical, and therefore critical, think-ing of the phenomena of psyche and psychiatry in the geo-historical space of the Republic of Croatia. Its methodological focus is on: representative authors, writings and initiatives relevant to the mentioned discourse, the presence of systematic education within the faculty curriculum, and the publishing activity focused on the issues ofpsyche. The focus will be on the relationship between philosophy and psyche/psychiatry in the historical mereological constellation, on its importance for the philosophy of psyche, as well as the categorically inseparable relationship between philosophy and the perception of psyche. The author introduces the thesis that the philosophy of psyche is an ideal thinking polygon upon which rudimentary philosophical disciplinary directions are intertwined, ranging from hermeneutics, phenomenology, ontology, epistemology, and logic, to social and political philosophy, the philosophy of existence, and ethics. As an ideal scientific-philosophical descriptor, I suggest the discipline of integrative bioethics, which I look at as a teleological bridge for combining these disciplines. The emphasis will be on the subject of life phenomena, which I look at in an analogy with the pre-Socratic semantics of ψυχή (psukhe) as the dialectical synthesis of mind (nousj) and body (soma).
Poslije kratka presjeka važnijih događaja vezanih uz povijest Franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene autor analizira važnije odredbe franjevačkoga zakonodavstva s obzirom na školstvo koje su omogućile njegov snažan razvoj u razdoblju poslije Tridentskoga koncila i koje su bitno utjecale ne organizaciju i rad franjevačkih obrazovnih ustanova na ovim prostorima. Poseban je naglasak na odredbama što su se odnosile na studij filozofije čija je svrha bila pripremiti studente za što kvalitetniji studij bogoslovije. S tim je ciljem na generalnom kapitulu franjevačkoga reda održanome u Rimu 1694. godine propisano da se filozofija predaje najmanje tri godine i da se u njezinu okviru studiraju summulae (logica minor), logika (logica maior), fizika, metafizika, animistika (znanost o duši), učenje o nastanku i propadanju tvari te kozmologija. Nastavni je sadržaj bio vezan uz učenje Ivana Duns Škota i Bonaventure. Metoda je bila strogo skolastička. Međutim, daljnje su reforme išle za približavanjem državnih i crkvenih sveučilišnih programa. Iz odredaba vezanih za studij filozofije u Bosni Srebrenoj vidljivo je da su provincijske uprave nastojale što dosljednije provoditi propise što ih je donosio general reda i, koliko je to bilo moguće, držati korak s trendovima na zapadnim učilištima. Kada to okolnosti nisu dopuštale, svoje su gojence slali na studij u inozemstvo. ; After a short review of more important events related to the history of the Franciscan province Silver Bosnia the author analyzes more significant regulations of the Franciscan legislature with regard to education which enabled its strong development in the period after the Trident Council and which had a strong influence on the organization and work of the Franciscan educational institutions in these areas. The special emphasis is on the regulations which referred to the study of philosophy, the purpose of which was to prepare students for the quality study of theology. With that goal the general Franciscan body of canons held in Rome in 1694 stipulated that philosophy must be taught at least three years and that in its framework summulae (logica minor), logics (logica maior), physics, metaphysics, science about soul, study about the emergence and decadence of a matter and cosmology must be learned. The teaching content was connected with the study of Ivan Duns Scotsman and Bonaventure. The method was strictly scholastic. However, further reforms went in direction of drawing closer the state and church university curricula. From the regulations related to the study of philosophy in Silver Bosnia it is visible that the provincial authorities were trying to implement the regulations made by the general of order and, as much as possible, keep pace with trends in the western educational institutions. When the circumstances did not allow that, they sent their students to study abroad.
Svrha ovoga rada je ustanoviti temeljni razlog Platonove izjave da je filozofija najveća muzika. Smatrajući da je glavni uzrok pretpostavljenoj nejasnoći te tvrdnje drugačije poimanje muzike i filozofije kod Platona u odnosu na današnje, autor najprije izlaže izvorni grčki pojam muzike uspoređujući ga sa suvremenim. U drugom dijelu istražuje Platonov odnos prema muzici, ispitujući kakvu joj je ulogu dodijelio u svojoj filozofiji. Pokazuje se kako je uvriježena predodžba o Platonovu omalovažavanju pjesništva pogrešna. Svoje viđenje složenijeg i pozitivnijeg Platonova odnosa prema muzici autor povezuje s njegovim političkim favoriziranjem frigijskog modusa, otkrivajući u tome slabo zapažen dionizijski aspekt kod Platona. Zaključuje se da tek uz brižljivu kulturološku kontekstualizaciju grčke filozofije postaje jasno zašto je ona za Platona bila najveća muzika. ; The purpose of this paper is to establish a fundamental reason for Plato's claim that philosophy is the greatest music. Holding that the main reason for its supposed unclearness is in fact a discrepancy in understanding of music and philosophy in Plato in respect to modern meaning, author firstly elaborates on the original Greek notion on music and compares it with the contemporary one. In the second part of the paper, author explored Plato's relationship with music, examining what role did he give to the music in his philosophy. It turns out that the traditional view of Plato's negative attitude towards music is false. Author provides a reader with a more complex analysis of the problem and offers a positive view on music in respect to Plato, which he then links to Plato's political preference of Phrygian mode, pointing towards rarely observed Dionysian aspect in Plato's thought. Only a proper cultural contextualization of Greek philosophy can get us closer to understanding why, for Plato, philosophy was greatest kind of music.
Revolucija je jedan od središnjih koncepata filozofije prakse. Prema Gaji Petroviću, revolucija je najautentičniji oblik slobode i najistinskija ljudska praksa te istina i duboka potreba našeg vremena ako čovjek želi ostati i u punoj mjeri postati čovjek (Filozofija prakse). Slično razumijevanje nudi i Milan Kangrga koji u njoj nalazi nužan uvjet i oznaku svakog prekoračivanja horizonta postojećeg svijeta. U ovome radu pokazujem koliko su u svojoj filozofiji prekoračili uske okvire tumačenja Marxova pojma revolucije kao isključivo političkog i/ili socijalnog fenomena. ; Revolution is one of the central categories in the Praxis Philosophy. According to Gajo Petrović, revolution is the most authentic form of freedom and the most genuine human praxis as well as the truth and a deep need of our time if a human wants to stay and entirely become a human (Filozofija prakse [Philosophy of praxis]). A similar understanding is offered by Milan Kangrga who sees revolution as a necessary condition for overcoming the horizon of the present world. In this paper, I show how far did they go in crossing the narrow frames of the interpretation of Marx's concept of revolution as merely political and/or social event.
Društveno odgovorno poslovanje (DOP) definira se kao inteligentna i objektivna briga poduzeća za dobrobit društva što ograničava ponašanje pojedinaca i korporacija od krajnje destruktivnih aktivnosti, bez obzira na to koliko one brzo bile profitabilne te vodi u smjer pozitivnih doprinosa dobru ljudi što može biti definirano na različite načine. Nadalje, DOP podrazumijeva politike i programe privatnih poduzeća koji idu izvan zakonskih obveza kao odgovor na pritiske javnosti i očekivanja društva te podrazumijeva pažnju s kojom se na etičan i društveno odgovoran način odnosimo prema interesno-utjecajnim skupinama koje se nalaze izvan, ali i unutar organizacije. U ovom radu pokušat će se sagledati važnost i značenje termina društveno odgovorno poslovanje poduzeća onako kako ga opisuju brojne definicije koje upućuju da se uz ispunjavanje zakonskih obveza, u osnovi radi o investiranju u ljudski kapital, okoliš i odnose s okolinom ad intra i ad extra, a u fokusu rada bit će eksterni elementi i doprinosi društveno odgovornom poslovanju poput kulturoloških, religijski i ekoloških doprinosa i zahtjeva. Na temelju ukratko predstavljenih kulturoloških, religijskih i ekoloških doprinosa i zahtjeva, zaključak rada pokušat će ponuditi smjernice za što je moguće kvalitetniju implementaciju društveno odgovornog poslovanja u jedno društvo. ; Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is defined as an intelligent and objective concern of a company for the wellbeing of a society which limits the behavior of individuals as well as corporations from highly destructive activities, regardless of their profit-making potential. It should lead into the direction of positive contributions to the welfare of people, which can be specified in different ways. In addition, CSR implies private companies' policies and programmes which go beyond the legal obligations as a response to public pressure and expectations of society and entails ethical as well as socially responsible attention to interest groups which are both outside and inside an organization. In this paper we will try to consider the importance and meaning of the corporate social responsibility within one company in the way it has been described in numerous definitions in which it was pointed that along with the fulfillment of the legal obligations it is actually about the investment in human capital, environment, and relationships with environment ad intra and ad extra. Our focus will be on the external elements and the contributions to the corporate social responsibility such as cultural, religious, and ecological contributions and demands. On the basis of briefly presented cultural, religious, and ecological contributions and demands, in the conclusion of this paper, we will try to offer directions for high-quality implementation of corporate social responsibility into a society.
At the 11th Hvar Theatre Conference, in May 1983, the author gave the paper on four Gavella's disciples and his followers, the members of so called 'Zagreb Theatre Cartel' (Dino Radojević, Kosta Spaić, Božidar Violić, Georgij Paro), and on two directors who worked in theatre in the same period, but did not belong to the informal Cartel (Vladimir Habunek, Mladen Škiljan). Giving this paper after almost three decades, in the Part I he re-examines his previous evaluation and interpretation of their personal aesthetics and their contribution to the Croatian theatre in 1960-es and 1970-es. In the Parts II and III he analyzes changes on the Croatian political and cultural scene and the influence of these changes on institutional position and artistic authority of these six directors in Croatian theatre, especially in the late 1980-es and the early 1990-es. Part IV is dedicated to the three deceased directors (Radojević, Habunek, Spaić) and one who has retired from theatre (Škiljan). The work of two still active directors (Violić, Paro), decreasing in quantity since 1980-es to the present, is considered in the Part V. The focus is on Paro's constant interest in plays and novels by Miroslav Krleža, and on Violić's work with younger playwright and composer Mate Matišić. The conclusion is given in the Part VI.
U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.