Das politische System Thailands befindet sich seit 2005/2006 in einem Prozess der Auflösung. Die beiden antagonistischen Lager – die Rothemden mit ihrer Massenbasis in den ländlichen Gebieten auf der einen Seite und die Gelbhemden, die den royalistisch-konservativen Eliten nahe stehen, auf der anderen Seite – bekämpfen sich mit immer schärferen Mitteln. Nach den jüngsten zwei Putschen in den Jahren 2006 und 2014 und nach der weitgehenden Politisierung der Gerichte sind in Thailand die meisten politischen Institutionen diskreditiert. Umso erstaunlicher ist es, dass zeitgleich eine enorm progressive Kampagne zur Einführung der Homo-Ehe in Thailand geführt wurde und nur um Haaresbreite 2013 die Verabschiedung eines entsprechenden Gesetzes gescheitert ist.
Pinkwashing (lavado rosa) consiste en cooptar los derechos LGTBIQ+ para mostrarle al mundo que Israel es el reino de las libertades sexuales. Israel es un país militarizado que normaliza la ocupación, colonización y apartheid de Palestina. Tal estrategia comunicativa es una estratagema para la instrumentalización de la diversidad sexual hacia prácticas belicistas. Este artículo estudia el discurso y el dispositivo de colonialidad que establece a Israel como un estado democrático, liberal y «gay-friendly» con las personas LGBTIQ+. Analiza las proyecciones israelíes de imágenes combativas, racistas y orientalistas sobre varones y mujeres árabes/palestinos como «homofóbicas», «retrógradas» y «bárbaras». A esa estrategia la llamo «retórica salvacionista».
While there has been an increase in the rights and visibility of LGBTIQ+ people in (most) European countries, critiques of what is denounced as instrumentalization by public policies of LGBTIQ+ issues have also developed. In this context, one can ask how to qualify the strengthened relationships between governance and activism. In this article, I propose to explore the paradoxical articulation of the multiple sites from where the cause support can be enacted. Drawing on a Geneva-based ethnographic research project, I use the concept of governance–activism nexus to reflect on the liminal position of public officials in charge of implementing equality agendas. Troubling further the insider–outsider binary divide, I argue that they act towards a discrete queering of municipal governance from the inside, through the practice of allyship in solidarity. In so doing, this article offers future research perspectives for the study of urban/regional LGBTIQ+ activism and politics, while allowing us to question our own position as critical or activist researchers in the field of feminist and queer geographies.
Im Zentrum dieser Arbeit steht die Auseinandersetzung mit der Vereinnahmung und Aneignung von politischen Konzepten, Praktiken und Institutionen durch hegemoniale Akteur_innen, am Beispiel von Israel und seinen LG(BTIQ)*-Rechten. Angeleitet durch die Frage, welche Leerstellen und Machteffekte innerhalb der Pinkwashing und Homonationalismus Debatte sichtbar werden, soll diskutiert werden, wie Sexualität und Kapitalismus und ihre historische Verortung in neoliberale Entwicklungen miteinander verbunden sind, welche Interessen im Vordergrund und welche auf dem Spiel stehen, welche Bedeutung dabei Macht hat, wie wir selbst darin verstrickt und welche Elemente davon gefährdet sind. Die Konzepte von "Pinkwashing" und "Homonationalismus" dienen dabei als analytische und beschreibende Werkzeuge.Als Ergebnis dieser Arbeit lässt sich festhalten, dass sich die "Pinkwashing Israel Debatte" um einen falschen Bezugspunkt dreht: so versucht Israel mit seinem "Branding" als "gay heaven" nicht von der Besatzung gegenüber Palästina abzulenken, sondern vielmehr geht es um die Aneignung und Verwertbarkeit von (vor allem) schwuler Kaufkraft, die sich durch den modernen Kapitalismus zunehmend etabliert und einen eigenen Markt generiert und bedient. So gesprochen ist es der Versuch der israelischen Nation, Finanzkapital und politisches Kapital nach Israel zu ziehen, trotz der Offensichtlichkeit und Sichtbarkeit der Besatzung. Israel ist somit nicht nur ein sicherer Ort für "gays" die innerhalb kapitalistischer Vergesellschaftung unweigerlich Zur-Ware-Werden sondern auch für ausländische Investitionen, Commitment und Support. ; This work centres around the absorption and appropriation of radical political concepts, practices and institutions by hegemonic actors, through the example of the State of Israel and its LG(BTIQ) *-rights. Guided by the question of which vacancies and power effects become visible within the Pinkwashing and Homonationalism debate, it will be discussed how sexuality and capitalism - and their historical location in neoliberal developments - are interconnected, which interests are at the forefront and which are at stake and what elements of it are endangered? The concepts of "pinkwashing" and "homonationalism" serve as analytical and descriptive tools.As a result of this work, it can be stated that the "Pinkwashing Israel Debate" revolves around a false point of reference: Israel's "branding" as a "gay heaven" does not seek to distract from the occupation of Palestine, but is rather about appropriation and usability of (above all) gay purchasing power, which is increasingly established by modern capitalism and generates and serves its own market. So speaking, it is the Israeli nation's attempt to attract financial capital and political capital to Israel, despite the obviousness and visibility of the occupation. Israel is thus not only a safe place for "gays" - which inevitably become commodities within capitalist socialization - but also for foreign investment, commitment and support. ; verfasst von Marlies Weixelbaumer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)3642821
Neoliberal processes take place in rapid compromises with political sovereignties of nations. The only unsovereign political space where neoliberalism is practiced today is Palestine, particularly in the West Bank, since the Oslo peace process. The portrayal of Islam in a certain light is essential to the success of neoliberal practices in the region. In line with this, Israel's official 2007 campaign, "Brand Israel," saw millions of dollars spent for this propaganda. One of the central points is "pinkwashing" where Israel portrays itself as a haven for homosexuals while deliberately glossing over its occupation of Palestine. Israeli occupation does not distinguish between queer and straight. This phenomenon of employing gay rights as political strategy, and in this case anchored in Islamophobia, is termed by theorist Jasbir Puar as "homonationalism." Gender is clearly an organising principle of Israeli repression and what needs to be looked at is whether gender is also an organising principle of Palestinian resistance. The Palestinian queer movement is deeply embedded in anti-pinkwashing activism and differentiates itself from Western notions of queerness. This article applies these crucial understandings to the current context of Palestine because it is a predominantly vibrant, contemporary site.
Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical-right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical-right politics, both institutionalized and non-institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical-right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical-right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical-right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical-right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical-right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical-right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed.
AbstractAcross the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical‐right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical‐right politics, both institutionalized and non‐institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical‐right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical‐right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical‐right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical‐right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical‐right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical‐right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed.
Objectives The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have been a significant focus of environmental, social and governance sustainability research. Diversity management is one of the challenges faced by corporate governance in achieving SDG 4, 5, 8, and 10. However, rapid demographic changes in the global workforce create significant challenges for human resource development professionals when focusing on diversity management. This paper aims to define the different perspectives of diversity management to avoid sustainability distortions such as social washing and pinkwashing, which promote the perception that policies or products of a given company are socially responsible.
Methodology The analysis of the existing literature can provide the information necessary to answer the research questions using rigorous scientific research methods. In the present study bibliometric analysis was used to enable a thorough and reliable analysis of knowledge on the topic and the identification of future progress. Bibliometric analysis was used to investigate the final pool of 126 peer-reviewed articles.
Findings Contributions include advancing the understanding of diversity management, highlighting the dominance of communication bias, and strengthening the connection between social sustainability and the individual by identifying social exchange theory as a tool for explaining the ongoing changes in corporate governance.
Value added The paper aims to answer research questions related to the journals relevant to the study of diversity management, the geographical structure of the research flow on diversity management, and the possible implications for future research on this topic.
Recommendations In light of the clusters identified, it is recommended that forthcoming researchers explore the fitting theories that can be used to elucidate the phenomenon of diversity management. In addition, interdisciplinary research can facilitate a deeper understanding of issues concerning identity and gender, thereby enhancing the knowledge of diversity among managers. The paper recommends that future studies emphasize the differences in diversity management between national and multinational companies expanding the knowledge by conducting multiple case studies.
