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Examining identity in relation to globalization and migration, this book uses narratives and memoirs from contemporary authors who have lived 'in-between' two or more languages. It explores the human desire to find one's 'own place' in new cultural contexts, and looks at the role of language in shaping a sense of belonging in society.

Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek RevolutionThis paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses. ; Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek RevolutionThis paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses.

Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Tabula Gratulatoria -- Vasileios Petrakos: A Life Dedicated to the Service of Greek Archaeology -- Part I: Epigraphy and Ancient History -- Thucydides, Historical Geography and the 'Lost Years' of Perdikkas II -- Athens, Samothrace, and the Mysteria of the Samothracian Great Gods -- De quelques épitaphes d'étrangers et d'étrangères au Musée d'Érétrie -- Φυτωνυμικά τοπωνύμια Κωμών της Αργολίδος -- Le recours à l'arbitrage privé dans les actes d'affranchissement delphiques -- Προξενικό ψήφισμα από την Αιτωλία -- Women's Religion in Hellenistic Athens -- Notes on Athenian Decrees in the Later Hellenistic Period -- "Those Who Jointly Built the City" -- Part II: Archaeology -- Attica and the Origins of Silver Metallurgy in the Aegean and the Carpatho-Balkan Zone -- Cultural Variation in Mycenaean Attica. A Mesoregional Approach -- Mythical and Historical Heroic Founders: The Archaeological Evidence -- Das Volutenkapitell aus Sykaminos -- Dionysos Lenaios at Rhamnous. Lenaia ἐν ἀγροῖς and the "Lenaia vases" -- Philoktet in Attika -- Part III: History of Greek Archaeology -- Peiraieus in 1805 -- Karl Otfried Müller in Marathon, Rhamnus und Oropos -- Spyridon Marinatos and Carl Blegen at Pylos: A Happy Collaboration -- Vassilis Petrakos et les fouilles suisses d'Érétrie -- List of Contributors -- Index of Epigraphical Texts -- Index Locorum -- Index of Mythological Names -- Index of Geographic Names (Place Names, Ethnic and Demotic Adjectives) -- Index of Ancient Personal Names -- Index Rerum -- Index of Modern Personal Names

Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French Relations The Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair. ; Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French RelationsThe Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.

Despina P. Papadopoulou, La presse périodique grecque à Paris, 1860-1912Cet article se propose de présenter un aspect de l'histoire culturelle dela première communauté grecque de Paris construite à partir de la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle. Afin de donner un aperçu global de lapresse périodique grecque publiée à Paris entre 1860 et 1912, l'articleavance l'hypothèse de deux phases relativement distinctes, comme l'ordrechronologique de parution va de pair avec l'unité thématique.La première période comprend les revues Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (1861-1871), Μύρια Όσα (1868-1869), Εθνική (Γραφική) Επιθεώρησις (1869-1870,1871-1872, 1875-1877), et la seconde, les publications Reçue grecque(1886?), L'Hellade (1894?) et L'Hellénisme (1904-1912). Les revues dupremier groupe déclarent haut et fort leur intention principale, «joindrel'utile à l'agréable», tandis que les publications qui paraissent après 1880sont plus orientées vers la politique. Deux revues médicales grecquesrepérées pendant la période étudiée, Γαληνός (1859-?) et Hippocrate (1898-1903), échappent à cette catégorisation bipartite, appartenant à une catégoriede presse spécialisée.A titre général, le souci de la diffusion des acquis scientifiques del'Occident constitue une priorité pour ces revues. Aussi, une place importanteest-elle accordée à la littérature et aux arts pour confirmerl'orientation encyclopédique, sous l'impulsion des Lumières, de cettepresse périodique grecque. De l'autre côté, les choix de certains deséditeurs d'intégrer des articles sur les us et coutumes grecs ou de collaboreravec des historiens tels C. Taparrigopoulos révèlent l'impact duromantisme politique allemand sur la conception de la nation, un impactremarqué aussi dans les oeuvres de divers écrivains grecs de l'époque.Outre le contexte grec, de multiples rapports sont établis entreces revues et l'environnement français. L'apparition même des revuesgrecques à Paris est favorisée par le développement spectaculaire de lapresse française durant le XIXe siècle. Par ailleurs, la tradition françaisedu philhellénisme a dû peser sur la décision des éditeurs grecs de fairepublier leurs revues à Paris. Parmi leurs collaborateurs figurent deshellénistes français apportant le prestige nécessaire aux publicationsgrecques qui visent à conquérir un grand public et à promouvoir lesintérêts de la Grèce en Europe. Les mêmes préoccupations politiquessont partagées par les représentants diplomatiques grecs à Paris qui sontimpliqués comme collaborateurs dans certaines de ces publications.Considérée dans son ensemble, la presse périodique grecque publiéeà Paris pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe et le début du XXe sièclereflète des influences croisées, grecques et françaises, au niveau du contenuainsi qu'à celui de la forme, et constitue un exemple historiqueintéressant du contact et de l'interaction entre les deux cultures. ; Despina P. Papadopoulou, La presse périodique grecque à Paris, 1860-1912Cet article se propose de présenter un aspect de l'histoire culturelle dela première communauté grecque de Paris construite à partir de la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle. Afin de donner un aperçu global de lapresse périodique grecque publiée à Paris entre 1860 et 1912, l'articleavance l'hypothèse de deux phases relativement distinctes, comme l'ordrechronologique de parution va de pair avec l'unité thématique.La première période comprend les revues Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (1861-1871), Μύρια Όσα (1868-1869), Εθνική (Γραφική) Επιθεώρησις (1869-1870,1871-1872, 1875-1877), et la seconde, les publications Reçue grecque(1886?), L'Hellade (1894?) et L'Hellénisme (1904-1912). Les revues dupremier groupe déclarent haut et fort leur intention principale, «joindrel'utile à l'agréable», tandis que les publications qui paraissent après 1880sont plus orientées vers la politique. Deux revues médicales grecquesrepérées pendant la période étudiée, Γαληνός (1859-?) et Hippocrate (1898-1903), échappent à cette catégorisation bipartite, appartenant à une catégoriede presse spécialisée.A titre général, le souci de la diffusion des acquis scientifiques del'Occident constitue une priorité pour ces revues. Aussi, une place importanteest-elle accordée à la littérature et aux arts pour confirmerl'orientation encyclopédique, sous l'impulsion des Lumières, de cettepresse périodique grecque. De l'autre côté, les choix de certains deséditeurs d'intégrer des articles sur les us et coutumes grecs ou de collaboreravec des historiens tels C. Taparrigopoulos révèlent l'impact duromantisme politique allemand sur la conception de la nation, un impactremarqué aussi dans les oeuvres de divers écrivains grecs de l'époque.Outre le contexte grec, de multiples rapports sont établis entreces revues et l'environnement français. L'apparition même des revuesgrecques à Paris est favorisée par le développement spectaculaire de lapresse française durant le XIXe siècle. Par ailleurs, la tradition françaisedu philhellénisme a dû peser sur la décision des éditeurs grecs de fairepublier leurs revues à Paris. Parmi leurs collaborateurs figurent deshellénistes français apportant le prestige nécessaire aux publicationsgrecques qui visent à conquérir un grand public et à promouvoir lesintérêts de la Grèce en Europe. Les mêmes préoccupations politiquessont partagées par les représentants diplomatiques grecs à Paris qui sontimpliqués comme collaborateurs dans certaines de ces publications.Considérée dans son ensemble, la presse périodique grecque publiéeà Paris pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe et le début du XXe sièclereflète des influences croisées, grecques et françaises, au niveau du contenuainsi qu'à celui de la forme, et constitue un exemple historiqueintéressant du contact et de l'interaction entre les deux cultures.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Vasso Théodorou, Approches interprétatives de la philanthropie. Du contrôle social à la réciprocité Cet article s'intéresse à suivre les déplacements théoriques de l'histoire sociale des trente dernières années en ce qui concerne l'interprétation du mouvement philanthropique. Dans une perspective comparative, on essaie de mettre en évidence les catégories analytiques utilisées au sein des traditions britannique, française et grecque, afin d'approcher les divers aspects de la pratique, les differentiations et les nuances qui s'inscrivent dans le contexte de l'évolution de chaque tradition intellectuelle. Puisque le phénomène de la philanthropie a été considéré comme un champ privilégié pour l'étude des relations sociales au cours du 19ème siècle, et surtout celle du processus d'insertion des couches inférieures aux valeurs bourgeoises pendant la période de l'industrialisation, la notion du contrôle social a présidé dans la plupart des travaux publiés dans les années '70 et '80. L'influence de M. Foucault a été évidente sur la tentative de compréhension du geste généreux dans le contexte de la normalisation des comportements des indigents jugés dangereux, tandis que la consolidation du capital social par le biais de la donation a trouvé un excellent champ d'investigation en sociologie. Dans ce cadre, on a tenté de faire le lien entre la participation philanthropique des milieux bourgeois et leur ascention au pouvoir politique, les rythmes d'accroissement des villes et la genèse des inquiétudes provenant des groupes marginaux, enfin les initiatives des femmes et leur émancipation. Or, l'enrichissement de la bibliographie tant française que britannique des années '90, et raffinement des outils analytiques empruntés aux autres sciences sociales, ont amené au réfléchissement sur les significations, la durée et le contenu de la pratique. D'ailleurs, la problématique des acteurs sociaux, militant pour la diminution du phénomène de l'exclusion sociale et l'émergence du mouvement volontariste actuel, ont sans doute influencé les tentatives interprétatives de l'action philanthropique du 19ème siècle, changeant leur orientation vers un contexte plus humanitaire. La contestation du contrôle social en tant que cadre d'interprétation exclusive de la philanthropie, a donné sa place à des approches qui prennent en considération le sens propre du mot: l'altruisme et la réciprocité. L'ouverture du dialogue à des outils théoriques des disciplines voisines, surtout ceux de la sociologie et de l'anthropologie, ont amené à la redéfinition du domaine de la philanthropie en tant que système de rapports matériels et culturels tenant en compte tant les structures intellectuelles de la période étudiée que les stratégies des acteurs sociaux.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; In the years 1830-1860 the formation of the newly established Greek State was based theoretically and practically on the political views of 19th century European liberalism. In accordance to the liberal beliefs, the Greek state political power was based on a small section of the adult male population. This section disposed additional economic and cultural qualifications compared to the rest of the population of the country. It is worthnoting that only to the above mentioned section of the population the state recognized full civil and political rights. In this context the term eligible citizens is used to describe those social strata which held the above mentioned special qualifications. In view of these qualifications the eligible citizens could not only exercise their electoral rights but they could be also elected or appointed as political, magisterial or administrative officials. Within the framework of the historical study of social stratification in the Greek society, during the period 1830-1860, it is worth concentrating on the analysis of historical sources relevant to the eligible citizens. These sources should supply information about the economic and cultural characteristics of these citizens. Based on this type of approach we present in this study the catalogues of candidate jurymen in the period 1849-1861 concentrating on the analysis of the year 1860. These catalogues constitute an important source of information about the characteristics of the eligible citizens. The candidate jurymen catalogues, for the year 1860, include information regarding the value of estate property, income, profession, age and place of inhabitancy for 8.337 adult men. These men amount to the 3.4% of the over 25 years old male population of the country in 1860. The quantitative analysis of the above mentioned catalogues led to the following general conclusions: In 1860 the greatest percentage of the eligible citizens derived from the middle social strata of property owners and income earners. These strata included mainly land owners, wealthy farmers and merchants. But there was also a much smaller section of social strata of wealthy men who possessed a relatively large amount of estate property and income of the country. The sharp economic inequality observed among the eligible citizens of the country permits the assumption that there was also among them a sharp social inequality. According to this we propose the continuation of the research with a more detailled study. This study will examine particular aspects of economic and social inequalities between the lower, the middle and the higher social strata. The same study will also examine in detail the regional aspect of these inequalities.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Eleni Fournaraki, «Wherefore deprive her of the vote?». Universal male suffrage and the exclusion of women from politics in 19th century Greece Through study of the Greek case, this article tries to explore the exclusion of women from political rights in the context of liberal democracy as a historiographical problem. In contrast to the vast majority of representative states at the time, political circumstances prevailing in Greece led to the constitutional establishment of universal male suffrage in 1864, though not without provoking the discontent of a sizeable portion of the political scene for several years thereafter. According to «conventional» historical accounts, there can be no doubt that women's exclusion from «universal suffrage» in 1864, while not explicity articulated in the Constitution or any pertinent legislation, was regarded as self-evident. Furthermore, prior to 1910-20 the possibility of attributing the vote to women did not preoccupy party politics, while a suffragist movement did not appear before the Inter-war period. Our own approach can be summarized as follows: exploration of the meaning of women's exclusion from political rights in a democratic conjuncture that assured those rights to all adult men may reveal the full dimensions of the conflict dynamic that democratic conquests presuppose. In the first place, this dynamic applies to men themselves, or more precisely to the less privileged among them. As empirical data reveal, the question of women's political rights, even if acquiring those rights was not an existing possibility, could appear as a constructive element of the political discourse: women's exclusion could have been put forward as one of the issues in the argument against universal male suffrage. It is precisely the self-evident and trivial nature of this exclusion together with that of children which could offer a more convincing argument against the conception of suffrage as a natural right. A lack of internal coherence and consistency in the argument of the advocates of «universal suffrage», could be pointed out through the emphasis, conversely, on the irrationality of a regime that guaranteed political participation down to the very last «illiterate» or «vagrant» man, while depriving all women of the vote, especially those who had the ability to possess and administrate property. Support for suffrage for those women was not totally absent from such argumentation, which served to reveal the contradictions that women's exclusion from political rights brought to the heart of the modern system for the legitimization of sovereignty. Through examination of the arguments employed by the science of constitutional law to justify exclusion, we observe a broader process of redefinition and rationalization of the existing gender hierarchy, in modern terms. Crystallized in the last quarter of 19th century, this process appealed to the notion of the biological and psychological «specificity» of «female nature)) in order to legitimize the incompatibility of women as a whole with politics.