Suchergebnisse

Not Available ; Today energy crisis is worldwide because conventional forms of energy supply and consumption are causing serious economical as well as environmental problems. In our country consumption of petroleum products is increasing day-by-day resulting in huge gap of demand and supply. India rank 6 th in the world in terms of energy demand accounting for 3.5 percent of world commercial energy demand in 2001. India currently imports about 70 percent of its petroleum needs by paying Rs.1, 27,000 crores every year. The demand target may be 120.4 m t for 2006-07. Our domestic production of crude oil and natural gas will remain around 33.97 m t during 2006-07.The huge gap between demand and supply of 86.43 m t may be met only by import or by producing biofuels. The current consumption of diesel in India is approximately 40 m t forming about 40% of the total petroleum product consumption. This is expected to reach 52.32 m t by 2006-07 growing at approximately 5.6 % per annum. Government of India has already introduced petrol blended with 5 percent ethanol for use in motor vehicles in 9 states. A committee constituted by Planning Commission for Development of Biofuels recommended replacing about 10 % of diesel with biodiesel by the end of year 2011-2012 (Singh, 2003). Biodiesel production was spread in 21 countries mainly in Europe, Malaysia and USA. The largest biodiesel plant currently in operation was in Rouen, France with a capacity of 120, 000 tonnes. France is currently the world largest producer of biodiesel using it in 50 percent blend with petrol and diesel. During the last few decades, researchers tried all the edible and non-edible vegetable oils in compression ignition and spark ignition engines for different utilities. Since India cannot afford the usage of edible vegetable oils as power source because of short supply, planners suggested the use of non-edible vegetable oils as alternative fuels like Pongamia, Jatropha, and Neem etc. As Indian nation consists of 40 % of wasteland, it is better to develop all these lands by growing non edible oil plants which not only gives the oil but also enriches the environment by adding the green forest cover for ecological balance. In India, rural areas, in general are facing steep power crisis during the last two decades. Farmers are unable to irrigate their lands because of interrupted and short-term power supply. Finally it is effecting the agriculture production very badly. In this context, it is better to use the available plants, which produce the non-edible oil seeds to cater the needs at rural level for self-sustainability. Though there are more than 300 different species of trees, which produce oil-bearing seeds, Pongamia and Jatropha are the drought resistant plants, which grow with limited water. These two plants suit for the Andhra Pradesh ecological zone as it consists of 60 % of dryland, which has enough potential to meet the fossil fuel demand at rural level. Hence these plants can well be utilized to produce the biodiesel at rural and industrial level. 201 All over the world, the trials on biodiesel blending with diesel and other oils are still continued. In Andhra Pradesh, Integrated Tribal Development Agency (ITDA) of Adilabad district has started a pilot project at Utnoor with the effort of SuTRA (Sustainable Transformation of Rural Areas). Here, the villagers collect the Pongamia seed from the nearby forest and extract the oil using expellers. The filtered oil is then used to run the generator (50 W) to supply the electricity to the 100 houses in a village. This project created hopes in villages regarding self-sustainability in producing power. ; Not Available

The government regulates the facilitation of community plantation development as much as 20% of the area of rights by plantation companies. This provision which is the obligation of the company was still not regulated in a clear and firm legal arrangement so that it created multiple interpretations in its application. Based on this matter, the writer was motivated to analyze the legal arrangements for the facilitation of community plantation development by plantation companies and the obstacles encountered in the implementation. The plantation company which was the focus of the research was PT. Pamor Ganda with Business Right (known as HGU in Indonesia abbreviation) Number 16/1989 by studying the HGU extension document. This was a normative research with a statutory approach. The method of analysis performed was content analysis, then the interpretation was carried out to understand the conclusions. The results showed that legal arrangements in the land sector, Micro, Small, Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), and plantations had not been able to solve the problems that exist in the implementation of facilitation of community plantation development by plantation companies. The company's obstacle was that the plasma farmers' plantation area around the companies' plantation area had not been able to meet the 20% area requirement. While PT. Pamor Ganda had fulfilled its obligation to facilitate community plantation development by releasing its 114 hectare of HGU area.

Not Available ; Today energy crisis is worldwide because conventional forms of energy supply and consumption are causing serious economical as well as environmental problems. In our country consumption of petroleum products is increasing day-by-day resulting in huge gap of demand and supply. India rank 6th in the world in terms of energy demand accounting for 3.5 percent of world commercial energy demand in 2001. India currently imports about 70 percent of its petroleum needs by paying Rs.1, 27,000 crores every year. The demand target may be 120.4 m t for 2006-07. Our domestic production of crude oil and natural gas will remain around 33.97 m t during 2006-07.The huge gap between demand and supply of 86.43 m t may be met only by import or by producing biofuels. The current consumption of diesel in India is approximately 40 m t forming about 40% of the total petroleum product consumption. This is expected to reach 52.32 m t by 2006-07 growing at approximately 5.6 % per annum. Government of India has already introduced petrol blended with 5 percent ethanol for use in motor vehicles in 9 states. A committee constituted by Planning Commission for Development of Biofuels recommended replacing about 10 % of diesel with biodiesel by the end of year 2011-2012 (Singh, 2003). Biodiesel production was spread in 21 countries mainly in Europe, Malaysia and USA. The largest biodiesel plant currently in operation was in Rouen, France with a capacity of 120, 000 tonnes. France is currently the world largest producer of biodiesel using it in 50 percent blend with petrol and diesel. During the last few decades, researchers tried all the edible and non-edible vegetable oils in compression ignition and spark ignition engines for different utilities. Since India cannot afford the usage of edible vegetable oils as power source because of short supply, planners suggested the use of non-edible vegetable oils as alternative fuels like Pongamia, Jatropha, and Neem etc. As Indian nation consists of 40 % of wasteland, it is better to develop all these lands by growing non edible oil plants which not only gives the oil but also enriches the environment by adding the green forest cover for ecological balance. In India, rural areas, in general are facing steep power crisis during the last two decades. Farmers are unable to irrigate their lands because of interrupted and short-term power supply. Finally it is effecting the agriculture production very badly. In this context, it is better to use the available plants, which produce the non-edible oil seeds to cater the needs at rural level for self-sustainability. Though there are more than 300 different species of trees, which produce oil-bearing seeds, Pongamia and Jatropha are the drought 177 resistant plants, which grow with limited water. These two plants suit for the Andhra Pradesh ecological zone as it consists of 60 % of dryland, which has enough potential to meet the fossil fuel demand at rural level. Hence these plants can well be utilized to produce the biodiesel at rural and industrial level. All over the world, the trials on biodiesel blending with diesel and other oils are still continued. In Andhra Pradesh, Integrated Tribal Development Agency (ITDA) of Adilabad district has started a pilot project at Utnoor with the effort of SuTRA (Sustainable Transformation of Rural Areas). Here, the villagers collect the Pongamia seed from the nearby forest and extract the oil using expellers. The filtered oil is then used to run the generator (50 W) to supply the electricity to the 100 houses in a village. This project created hopes in villages regarding self-sustainability in producing power. ; Not Available

Tree plantations are often hailed as providing a wide range of economic, social and environmental benefits to rural regions. Yet in many of the regions where plantations have been established, members of rural communities and environmental groups have expressed various concerns about the effects of large-scale tree plantings. If plantations are bringing so many benefits to these regions, why is there social concern and sometimes active dispute over their establishment? This paper examines the nature of these concerns and disputes by reviewing some of the literature on social implications of plantations, and by drawing on four case studies from the south-west of Western Australia. During the past decade this region has experienced a rapid increase in plantation forestry. While some see the industry as a positive development, there are also widespread concerns about the negative effects of this change in land use. The paper also investigates recent measures adopted by plantation companies, local governments and State and federal government agencies to address and resolve concerns. It reveals that a number of these strategies provide opportunities to channel social concerns over plantations into productive processes that allow differing views to be expressed and acted upon.

Tree plantations are often hailed as providing a wide range of economic, social and environmental benefits to rural regions. Yet in many of the regions where plantations have been established, members of rural communities and environmental groups have expressed various concerns about the effects of large-scale tree plantings. If plantations are bringing so many benefits to these regions, why is there social concern and sometimes active dispute over their establishment? This paper examines the nature of these concerns and disputes by reviewing some of the literature on social implications of plantations, and by drawing on four case studies from the south-west of Western Australia. During the past decade this region has experienced a rapid increase in plantation forestry. While some see the industry as a positive development, there are also widespread concerns about the negative effects of this change in land use. The paper also investigates recent measures adopted by plantation companies, local governments and State and federal government agencies to address and resolve concerns. It reveals that a number of these strategies provide opportunities to channel social concerns over plantations into productive processes that allow differing views to be expressed and acted upon.

In the 1960s, George Lamming and Sylvia Wynter dismissed the highly successful novelist John Hearne, arguing that his work was weakened by its nostalgic focus on the plantocracy. Their assessment shaped scholarly opinion until the present. This chapter departs from Lamming and Wynter by claiming that Hearne's novels offer an importantly nuanced depiction of the middle class as well as an important vision of the Caribbean as part of a hemispheric American culture stretching from North to South America. While suggesting the critically misunderstood value of Hearne, however, the chapter ultimately argues that after his first novel, Hearne's focus on an Afro-creole planter class – depicted with an apparently unconscious nostalgia – constitutes a failure to engage with the region's political present and future.

Les formes d'organisations agricoles hautement capitalistiques, portées par des multinationales ou des fonds souverains, voient leur importance croitre à l'échelle mondiale. Cet article participe à la caractérisation de la forme capitaliste que sont ces agricultures dites de firme, en s'appuyant sur le cas des grandes plantations industrielles indonésiennes. Il propose une relecture de l'histoire de ces plantations mobilisant la notion d'esprit du capitalisme, au sein de laquelle s'articulent les concepts de capitalisme et de critique associée. En s'appuyant sur des ressources bibliographiques et des observations dans des plantations, cette approche permet de déterminer les différentes formes de contrôle de la main d'oeuvre qui se succèdent dans le temps. Le statut ouvrier s'est construit progressivement par la relation dialectique entre les politiques des dirigeants capitalistes et les mouvements de luttes syndicales des ouvriers, en relation avec la constitution de l'Etat indonésien. Une politique de contrôle paternaliste conjuguée à la possibilité pour les ouvriers de développer des stratégies économiques autonomes explique le succès actuel de ce modèle. Le paternalisme, organisation capitaliste désuète en Europe, apparait ici comme l'élément central d'un modèle en expansion, questionnant alors les différentes étapes de l'esprit du capitalisme.

Government policy aims to increase the area under forestry in Ireland from its current 10% to 17% by 2030. Baseline information on the biodiversity of these forestry plantations is required if they are to be effectively managed, particularly in the hght of Ireland?s commitment to Sustainable Forest Management (SFM). Epiphytes are an important but little studied component of forest biodiversity in Ireland. No previous studies have been undertaken on epiphytes in Irish forestry plantations. This study is therefore innovative and attempts to address this major information gap. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

Policies to promote tree plantations in the Lao People's Democratic Republic have been developed since independence to support national socio-economic and environmental goals, and in response to domestic and international markets. The effectiveness of these policies has been variable, and the resulting plantation wood value chains are poorly developed due to contradictory and confusing laws and regulations with inconsistent application and high transaction costs. Consequently, there has been limited tree plantation investment, and few investments have realized the anticipated benefits. Renewed interest in plantations from the government, investors and other sectors in Laos has prompted policy reviews and recognition of the need for new policy settings. We reviewed the development of plantation policies in Laos and assessed policy effectiveness and barriers to policy options. Through document analysis, interviews with key stakeholders and actors, stakeholder forums, and field research, we found that smarter regulation, and facilitating value-chain partnerships and knowledge sharing, can motivate smallholders and industry investors in plantations, and increase community-level benefits and financial returns to the Government and private sector. These results are discussed in the context of current international developments in plantation policy and the convergence in related policy processes in Laos.

This Article argues that society must critically examine the types of labor we require our inmates to perform and prohibit the imposition of slavery, even when the enslaved is an inmate. Part II focuses on the text and history of Section 1 of the Thirteenth Amendment11 and argues that the Amendment's exception allowing forced inmate labor is not as broad as it first appears. Part III examines the Eighth Amendment and how the imposition of slave status on inmates should be considered cruel and unusual punishment. Lastly, Part IV applies these concepts to the history and operation of one such penal plantation, Louisiana State Penitentiary. This Article concludes by cautioning legislatures and prison wardens to be more cognizant of the inherent harms in selecting certain types of labor for inmates and will hopefully spark a broader public discussion on when inmate labor may be another form of slavery.

In this paper, we critically engage with SDG-2- Target 2.3 and SDG-5 to examine how and why large-scale agricultural land acquisitions modify the social relations of women's food access. Adopting qualitative methods and from agrarian political economy perspectives, we assess the implications of plantation investments on food security and gender equality in Cameroon and Ghana. The study draws on the impacts of various plantation schemes in Cameroon and Ghana to argue that the current allencompassing framing of the SDG-2, whereby support for small-scale production appears to co-exist with the promotion of corporate-led agricultural investments, tends to create a vague interpretation of food security, even when capitalist motives override the interests of rural working men and women. In both countries, plantations have been characterised by displacement, reduced food production and competition over land resources in rural contexts where women bear the burden of social reproduction, particularly in subsistence and food provisioning for their households. Restricted access to farmlands hampers petty commodity production, and provokes rural exodus among farming populations in Cameroon who compete with pastoralists for land; and in the Ghana case, where settlers and migrants compete with dispossessed indigenes for arable lands. The study shows the inherent contradictions and tensions within the narratives of sustainable development and projects which are considered as potential pathways to the SDGs. One of such tension areas is between local food security- which is a gendered role for women in West/Central Africa – and the accumulation imperatives of capitalist investors. We iterate that achieving zero hunger requires gender-inclusive land and labour policies that recognise, protect and empower small farmers and women, and create opportunities for local and national food self-sufficiency.

L'Afrique intertropicale sert de cadre à notre réflexion bien que les autres continents tropicaux regorgent d'exemples tout aussi édifiants. Forêt naturelle et forêt plantée ont bien souvent été considérées comme deux pôles opposés de la foresterie, pôles entre lesquels les projets de développement effectuent un mouvement de balancier. Déjà en 1953, Alba1 écrivait : " Il semble inutile d'opposer la sylviculture basée sur la régénération naturelle et celle basée sur la régénération artificielle. D'une part, cela risque d'entraîner des querelles qui, quoique faites sur un ton toujours extrêmement courtois, peuvent blesser inutilement les uns et les autres qui croient le plus souvent, et en toute bonne foi, il faut bien le dire, détenir la vérité en la matière, ce dont on ne saurait les blâmer. " Cette mise en garde n'a pas empêché les deux " clans " d'être plus souvent en opposition qu'en synergie. Dans les années 1960-1970, le balancier était du côté des plantations. C'était l'époque des grands programmes de reboisement, teck en Afrique francophone : gmélina au Mali, pins à Madagascar et okoumé au Gabon dans les années 1950- 1960, puis des grands reboisements périurbains des années 1970 pour le bois énergie. Ces projets étatiques onéreux se sont avérés peu rentables en raison des faibles prix du bois de forêt naturelle pratiqués sur les marchés locaux, ce qui a découragé les bailleurs de fonds. Les plantations sont un investissement à long terme alors que le financement des projets est à court ou moyen terme. Même lorsque les premières rentrées financières des plantations arrivent après six à sept ans (pour le bois de trituration), la faible valeur marchande de ce bois fait que plusieurs rotations sont nécessaires pour rentabiliser l'investissement. Pour les bois d'oeuvre, la révolution est de plusieurs décennies, incompatible avec les cycles des bailleurs de fonds. Ceux-ci considèrent généralement que l'investissement forestier s'arrête quelques années après la plantation et les premiers entretiens. Pourtant, il est nécessaire de financer les travaux ultérieurs pour obtenir in fine des bois de haute qualité à forte valeur marchande car les élagages de pénétration et la première éclaircie fournissent des bois de faibles dimensions qui sont abandonnés sur place en l'absence d'usine de trituration, ce qui est le cas en Afrique. Les éclaircies suivantes produisent des perches et des piquets dont la vente ne finance au mieux que le coût des travaux. Cette absence de retour financier rapide a généré, dans les années 1980, des problèmes au sein des programmes nationaux de reboisement. Par exemple, la Société de développement des forêts ivoiriennes a, faute de pouvoir vendre les premières éclaircies, cessé de planter des tecks pendant plusieurs années, jusqu'au jour où des acheteurs étrangers se sont intéressés à ces produits. À Madagascar, le bailleur de fonds voulait arrêter de financer les plantations de pins initialement destinées à la pâte à papier ; une longue négociation permit de modifier l'objectif du projet et de faire comprendre que les éclaircies et l'élagage étaient indispensables à la production d'un bois de qualité à haute valeur commerciale, et d'obtenir la poursuite du financement des travaux : ce n'est que 26 ans après les premières plantations de pins que les plantations ont commencé à s'autofinancer. Les calculs financiers montrent de très faibles taux de rentabilité interne des plantations ; mais ces calculs ne prennent pas en compte les emplois créés dans les plantations ni le développement des filières de transformation et de commercialisation en aval.

About a quarter of the plantation sector's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is contributed by the plantation agriculture sub-sector. However, the plantation sub-sector still faced structural problems such as the relatively low productivity of smallholder plantations compared to that of large plantations run by the government or private sector. Another problem is the quite large disparity of land and labor productivity between regions. Closing the productivity gap is key to enhancing productivity in all these three commodities. In this paper, the writer describes strategies to close the productivity gap between regions and between smallholders and large plantations.

Omslagtitel: Netherlands-India government gutta-percha plantations, Tjipetir, Java. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Economic Forest as a forest plantation in private land is the target area of the government forest policy to increase forest area. Such target not only increase forest area, but also timber consumption within the country and export. Consequently, the Royal Thai Government (RTG) by Royal Forest Department (RFD) have to encourage the private companies, individual farmers and other sectors participate in increasing economic forest plantation area. At the same time, the government sector, needs to develop the economic forest plantation management, namely; improve the law due to the problem of verifying the timber source as forest plantation or natural forest for confident of the rights and benefits of the forest plantation, support of economic forest plantation is still in operate concurrently with improve the process of regulations and technology for service to facilitate the several stakeholders according to levels of production, and the RFD have projects to promote an individual farmer to plant forest plantation by supporting subsidy and conditioned planting long rotation trees and planting short rotation trees which are worthwhile investment and give high benefit. Nevertheless, in terms of the government management had taken the growing timber demand into account by combining with sustainable management of natural forests and development of efficient production from forest plantations in order to increase forest area according to the National Forest Policy.