Este artigo tem por intenção situar as imagens de deuses presentes em vasos lacônios de figuras negras com relação à iconografia em outros tipos de materiais lacônios, buscando entender a função político-social dos mesmos no contexto da sociedade espartana do século VI a.C. ; This article wants to examine the divine images on Laconian black-figure vases with regard to the iconography in other types of Laconian materials, thus hoping to understand their politico-social function in the context of the Spartan society of the 6th century b.C.
Neste artigo, fundamentado nos principais escritos de Guilherme de Ockham, O. Min. (c. 1285–1347), analisamos sua concepção a respeito das origens dos poderes imperial e secular. Ancorado no versículo paulino omnis potestas a Deo, mas ampliado, sed per homines e, igualmente, nas ideias dos confrades que o antecederam, os quais relacionaram entre si os conceitos proprietas e dominium, com vista a explicar as origens humanas dos mesmos, de um lado, ele rebate tanto a teoria hierocrata quanto a de Marsílio de Pádua, relativas ao tema em exame e, de outro, oferece sua contribuição ao mesmo, mediante a qual, nem o Império nem os Estados estão completamente subordinados à Igreja, nem esta está submissa ao poder terreno, porque, quanto às origens de ambos, a Igreja tem uma procedência divina e os Estados e o Império têm imediatamente uma origem humana e, ainda, porque nas esferas respectivas de atuação, os poderes espiritual e secular independem um do outro. ; In this article, based on the most important William of Ockham's O. Min. (c. 1285 – 1347) writings, we analyze his ideias concerning the origins of the imperial and secular power. Founded in the Paul's doctrine omnis potestas a Deo, but enlarged, per homines, and also on the ideas of his Franciscan brothers which lived before, which articulated the concepts of proprietas and domininum, in order to explain the human origins of the both, on the one hand, Ockham refuses not only the hierocratic theory, but also Marsilius of Padua thought about this subject, and, on the other hand, he offers his contribution for this subject, according with which, nor the Empire neither the Estates are completely subordinated to the Church, nor the Church is subordinated for the secular power, because, referring its origins, both, Church and Estates are different origins, the first has a divine proceeding, the others, are immediately a human provenance and, because, in its specific spheres of action the spiritual power and the secular power do not depend one of the other and vice versa. ; In this article, based on the most important William of Ockham's O. Min. (c. 1285 – 1347) writings, we analyze his ideias concerning the origins of the imperial and secular power. Founded in the Paul's doctrine omnis potestas a Deo, but enlarged, per homines, and also on the ideas of his Franciscan brothers which lived before, which articulated the concepts of proprietas and domininum, in order to explain the human origins of the both, on the one hand, Ockham refuses not only the hierocratic theory, but also Marsilius of Padua thought about this subject, and, on the other hand, he offers his contribution for this subject, according with which, nor the Empire neither the Estates are completely subordinated to the Church, nor the Church is subordinated for the secular power, because, referring its origins, both, Church and Estates are different origins, the first has a divine proceeding, the others, are immediately a human provenance and, because, in its specific spheres of action the spiritual power and the secular power do not depend one of the other and vice versa.
My essay on the political ideas in Thomas Aquinas's DR deals with the main topics of political Philosophy Aquinas has established according to Aristotle's Politics as well as to some Platonian doctrines, for example the doctrine that plurality presupposes unity (Proklos: Elementatio theologica, 5 Prop.) or the doctrine enunciated in the 16 Prop. of the Liber de causis: "A unified power is more effective in producing the bonum commune than a diffused or divided power". Aquinas quotes this doctrine in DR I 3 and he contrasts it with his own opinions as being predicated on the Politics of Aristotle: (1) Bonum commune est melius quam bonum unius. (2) Human being is by nature an animal civile, nevertheless a state or city is due to a founder (Aristotle). (3) The polis or state are by their nature a plurality and diversity of human beings; a state becoming more and more a unity is, in the end, no longer a state, polis, or city (Aristotle). (4) Therefore, it is required for human beings to be governed and directed to the bonum commune or multitudinis as Thomas says, that is the task of the monarch, whereas the pope has to care for the final end of human life. (5) Aquinas's doctrine of the duplex felicitas leads him to a strict disjunction between the two visible and perceptible powers of the world: the monarchical and papal. (6) Thus, there is no subjugation of the monarch under the pope. On the contrary, the monarch has to do deal with temporal things: the bonum commune, the welfare, and peace of a community; and the pope has to deal with the final and eternal good consisting in the visio Dei. Both, the secular and the spiritual powers are required to attain the happiness promised to us in the end of our life. (7) Finally, all human activities concerning the political organizations of human life are in the competence of free human creative power. ; Este artículo tiene como objeto las ideas políticas que Tomás despliega en el De Regno, texto que presenta los tópicos principales de la filosofía política del Dominico, el cual se ampara en la Política aristotélica así como también en algunas doctrinas platónicas como, por ejemplo, la doctrina que sostiene que la pluralidad presupone la unidad (Proclo: Elementatio theologica, prop. 5) o aquella que se enuncia en la prop. 16 del Liber de causis: "un poder unificado es más efectivo para producir el bonum commune que un poder difuso o dividido". Tomás cita esta doctrina en DR I 3 y la contrasta con su propia lectura, en relación con la Política de Aristóteles: (1) Bonum commune est melius quam bonum unius. (2) El ser humano es, por naturaleza, un animal civile. Sin embargo, un estado o una ciudad requiere un fundador (Aristóteles). (3) La polis o el estado son, por su propia naturaleza, una pluralidad y diversidad de seres humanos; si un estado se va acercando cada vez más a la unidad, hacia el final, en rigor, ya no es más un estado, polis o ciudad (Aristóteles). (4) Por tanto, Tomás sostiene que el ser humano requiere ser gobernado y dirigido hacia el bonum communeo multitudinis: esta es la función del monarca, y, así, el Papa debe encargarse del fin último de la vida humana. (5) La doctrina de Tomás de la duplex felicitas lo lleva a una disyunción estricta entre dos poderes visibles y perceptibles en el mundo: el monárquico y el papal. (6) Así, no hay subyugación del monarca bajo el Papa. Al contrario, el monarca debe encargarse de las cosas temporales: el bonum commune, el bienestar y la paz de la comunidad; y, por su parte, el Papa debe encargarse del bien final y eterno que consiste en la visio Dei. Ambos, tanto el poder secular como el espiritual, se requieren para alcanzar la felicidad que nos fue prometida hacia el fin de nuestras vidas. (7) Finalmente, todas las actividades humanas en relación con las organizaciones políticas de la vida humana son competencia del poder humano libre y creativo.
My essay on the political ideas in Thomas Aquinas's DR deals with the main topics of political Philosophy Aquinas has established according to Aristotle's Politics as well as to some Platonian doctrines, for example the doctrine that plurality presupposes unity (Proklos: Elementatio theologica, 5 Prop.) or the doctrine enunciated in the 16 Prop. of the Liber de causis: "A unified power is more effective in producing the bonum commune than a diffused or divided power". Aquinas quotes this doctrine in DR I 3 and he contrasts it with his own opinions as being predicated on the Politics of Aristotle: (1) Bonum commune est melius quam bonum unius. (2) Human being is by nature an animal civile, nevertheless a state or city is due to a founder (Aristotle). (3) The polis or state are by their nature a plurality and diversity of human beings; a state becoming more and more a unity is, in the end, no longer a state, polis, or city (Aristotle). (4) Therefore, it is required for human beings to be governed and directed to the bonum commune or multitudinis as Thomas says, that is the task of the monarch, whereas the pope has to care for the final end of human life. (5) Aquinas's doctrine of the duplex felicitas leads him to a strict disjunction between the two visible and perceptible powers of the world: the monarchical and papal. (6) Thus, there is no subjugation of the monarch under the pope. On the contrary, the monarch has to do deal with temporal things: the bonum commune, the welfare, and peace of a community; and the pope has to deal with the final and eternal good consisting in the visio Dei. Both, the secular and the spiritual powers are required to attain the happiness promised to us in the end of our life. (7) Finally, all human activities concerning the political organizations of human life are in the competence of free human creative power. ; Este artículo tiene como objeto las ideas políticas que Tomás despliega en el De Regno, texto que presenta los tópicos principales de la filosofía política del Dominico, el cual se ampara en la Política aristotélica así como también en algunas doctrinas platónicas como, por ejemplo, la doctrina que sostiene que la pluralidad presupone la unidad (Proclo: Elementatio theologica, prop. 5) o aquella que se enuncia en la prop. 16 del Liber de causis: "un poder unificado es más efectivo para producir el bonum commune que un poder difuso o dividido". Tomás cita esta doctrina en DR I 3 y la contrasta con su propia lectura, en relación con la Política de Aristóteles: (1) Bonum commune est melius quam bonum unius. (2) El ser humano es, por naturaleza, un animal civile. Sin embargo, un estado o una ciudad requiere un fundador (Aristóteles). (3) La polis o el estado son, por su propia naturaleza, una pluralidad y diversidad de seres humanos; si un estado se va acercando cada vez más a la unidad, hacia el final, en rigor, ya no es más un estado, polis o ciudad (Aristóteles). (4) Por tanto, Tomás sostiene que el ser humano requiere ser gobernado y dirigido hacia el bonum communeo multitudinis: esta es la función del monarca, y, así, el Papa debe encargarse del fin último de la vida humana. (5) La doctrina de Tomás de la duplex felicitas lo lleva a una disyunción estricta entre dos poderes visibles y perceptibles en el mundo: el monárquico y el papal. (6) Así, no hay subyugación del monarca bajo el Papa. Al contrario, el monarca debe encargarse de las cosas temporales: el bonum commune, el bienestar y la paz de la comunidad; y, por su parte, el Papa debe encargarse del bien final y eterno que consiste en la visio Dei. Ambos, tanto el poder secular como el espiritual, se requieren para alcanzar la felicidad que nos fue prometida hacia el fin de nuestras vidas. (7) Finalmente, todas las actividades humanas en relación con las organizaciones políticas de la vida humana son competencia del poder humano libre y creativo.
Religious fundamentalist movements regard the secular state as an enemy because it claims to codify its power as if God did not exist. Those movements consider their religion the repository of absolute truth, the ultimate source legitimizing human laws. Therefore, although they are postsecular, at the same time they endeavor to transform religious principles into political agendas. Indeed, militants often act in accordance with political objectives in the attempt to assert the primacy of their own faith over that of others. They move within contemporary societies in the name of a radical political theology. The main arguments based on two case studies: Bodu Bala Sena in Sri Lanka and the movements for the Hindutva in India. ; Os movimentos religiosos fundamentalistas encaram o Estado secular como um inimigo, porque pretendem sistematizar seu poder como se Deus não atuasse. Esses movimentos consideram sua religião como o repositório de verdade absoluta, a fonte derradeira que legitima as leis humanas. Assim, conquanto sejam pós-seculares, ao mesmo tempo tentam transformar os princípios religiosos em agendas políticas. Com efeito, os militantes agem frequentemente de acordo com princípios políticos, procurando afirmar o primado de sua própria fé sobre a dos outros. Eles se movem dentro das sociedades contemporâneas em nome de uma teologia política radical. Os principais argumentos baseiam-se em dois estudos de caso: o Bodu Bala Sena no Sri Lanka e os movimentos para o Hindutva na Índia.
En esta segunda parte del trabajo, dedicada a Marsilio de Padua, se analizan los siguientes puntos: la primera parte, centrada únicamente en el texto del Defensor Pacis, trata de determinar el valor que para Marsilio supuso la dominación política del Imperium Romanum en el mundo. La segunda parte –siempre en el Defensor Pacis– trata de establecer si esta dominación reinó entonces en la península o si hubo alguna otra causa en el origen del poder romano. La tercera parte, extendiendo el análisis al Defensor menor, busca aclarar el origen de la legitimidad que Marsilio atribuye al Imperium Romanum mostrando que el nombre de Roma y su figura política imperial –cuyo lugar apenas se esbozó dentro del sistema político de Marsilius en el DP– encuentran en el DM el lugar y la dimensión que les son propios. En cuarto lugar, por último, toma en consideración el valor que para Marsilio tiene el ideal de Roma (es decir, el Romgedanke) en los tres tratados, y lo confronta con el papel que, frente a este mismo ideal, juega la Donatio Constantini en su pensamiento. Aquí surgen las diferencias entre Dante y Marsilio. Emergen no sólo a través de sus respectivas doctrinas políticas, sino también en sus concepciones de la Historia. El romanticismo de Marsilio está totalmente desprovisto de un carácter providencial y se transforma en un romanticismo secular, mientras que la donación aparecerá como una prueba más de que las reivindicaciones hegemónicas del Papado tienen su fundamento exclusivo en un acto histórico que siempre depende de la facticidad de la voluntad humana. Romgedanke y Donación Constantini, dos figuras aparentemente contradictorias y antitéticas, se encuentran así en Marsilio sin choque ni fractura (como fue el caso en el florentino). Marsilio logra reconciliar las dos figuras mediante una inteligente interpretación del acto constantiniano. [Este trabajo es la segunda entrega de las tres partes del artículo. Para ver la primera: vol. 3 (1982), para ver la última: vol. 6 (1985)] ; In this second part of the work, dedicated to Marsilius of Padua, the following points are analysed: the first part, solely focusing on the text of the Defensor Pacis, tries to determine the value that for Marsilius assumed the political domination of the Imperium Romanum over the world. The second part –always in the Defensor Pacis– tries to establish if this domination then reigned in the peninsula or if there was some other cause at the origin of the Roman power. The third part, extending the analysis to the Defensor menor, seeks to clarify the origin of the legitimacy that Marsilius attributes to the imperium romanum by showing that the name of Rome and its imperial political figure –whose place was barely sketched out within the Marsilius' political system in the DP– find in the DM the place and the dimension that are proper to them. Fourthly, finally, it takes into consideration the value that for Marsilius assumes the ideal of Rome (i.e. the Romgedanke) in the three treaties, and confronts it with the role that, in the face of this same ideal, the Donatio Constantini plays in his thought. Here the differences between Dante and Marsile emerge. They emerge not only through their respective political doctrines, but also in their conceptions of History. The romanticism of Marsilius is utterly devoid of a providential character and is transformed into a secular romanticism, while the donation will appear as further proof that the hegemonic claims of the Papacy have their exclusive foundation in a historical act which always depends on the facticity of the human will. Romgedanke and Donation Constantini, two apparently contradictory and antithetical figures, are thus found in Marsilius without a clash or fracture (as was the case in the Florentine). Marsilius succeeds in reconciling the two figures by means of an intelligent interpretation of the Constantinian act. [This paper is the second of the three parts of the whole article. To see the first one: vol. 3 (1982). To see the last one: vol. 6 (1985)]
In this second part of the work, dedicated to Marsilius of Padua, the following points are analysed: the first part, solely focusing on the text of the Defensor Pacis, tries to determine the value that for Marsilius assumed the political domination of the Imperium Romanum over the world. The second part –always in the Defensor Pacis– tries to establish if this domination then reigned in the peninsula or if there was some other cause at the origin of the Roman power. The third part, extending the analysis to the Defensor menor, seeks to clarify the origin of the legitimacy that Marsilius attributes to the imperium romanum by showing that the name of Rome and its imperial political figure –whose place was barely sketched out within the Marsilius' political system in the DP– find in the DM the place and the dimension that are proper to them. Fourthly, finally, it takes into consideration the value that for Marsilius assumes the ideal of Rome (i.e. the Romgedanke) in the three treaties, and confronts it with the role that, in the face of this same ideal, the Donatio Constantini plays in his thought. Here the differences between Dante and Marsile emerge. They emerge not only through their respective political doctrines, but also in their conceptions of History. The romanticism of Marsilius is utterly devoid of a providential character and is transformed into a secular romanticism, while the donation will appear as further proof that the hegemonic claims of the Papacy have their exclusive foundation in a historical act which always depends on the facticity of the human will. Romgedanke and Donation Constantini, two apparently contradictory and antithetical figures, are thus found in Marsilius without a clash or fracture (as was the case in the Florentine). Marsilius succeeds in reconciling the two figures by means of an intelligent interpretation of the Constantinian act. [This paper is the second of the three parts of the whole article. To see the first one: vol. 3 (1982). To see the last one: vol. 6 (1985)] ; En esta segunda parte del trabajo, dedicada a Marsilio de Padua, se analizan los siguientes puntos: la primera parte, centrada únicamente en el texto del Defensor Pacis, trata de determinar el valor que para Marsilio supuso la dominación política del Imperium Romanum en el mundo. La segunda parte –siempre en el Defensor Pacis– trata de establecer si esta dominación reinó entonces en la península o si hubo alguna otra causa en el origen del poder romano. La tercera parte, extendiendo el análisis al Defensor menor, busca aclarar el origen de la legitimidad que Marsilio atribuye al Imperium Romanum mostrando que el nombre de Roma y su figura política imperial –cuyo lugar apenas se esbozó dentro del sistema político de Marsilius en el DP– encuentran en el DM el lugar y la dimensión que les son propios. En cuarto lugar, por último, toma en consideración el valor que para Marsilio tiene el ideal de Roma (es decir, el Romgedanke) en los tres tratados, y lo confronta con el papel que, frente a este mismo ideal, juega la Donatio Constantini en su pensamiento. Aquí surgen las diferencias entre Dante y Marsilio. Emergen no sólo a través de sus respectivas doctrinas políticas, sino también en sus concepciones de la Historia. El romanticismo de Marsilio está totalmente desprovisto de un carácter providencial y se transforma en un romanticismo secular, mientras que la donación aparecerá como una prueba más de que las reivindicaciones hegemónicas del Papado tienen su fundamento exclusivo en un acto histórico que siempre depende de la facticidad de la voluntad humana. Romgedanke y Donación Constantini, dos figuras aparentemente contradictorias y antitéticas, se encuentran así en Marsilio sin choque ni fractura (como fue el caso en el florentino). Marsilio logra reconciliar las dos figuras mediante una inteligente interpretación del acto constantiniano. [Este trabajo es la segunda entrega de las tres partes del artículo. Para ver la primera: vol. 3 (1982), para ver la última: vol. 6 (1985)]
The change in thinking that preceded the transition from domination by the medieval church to a secular state is examined. The concept of sovereignty exercised by the monarch, articulated two centuries later by Niccolo Machiavelli, is found to be already implied in the fourteenth-century texts of Marsilio of Padua. The differences between the religious & secular views of humanity & the reasons for civil society & laws are explored. The autonomy & self-justification of the monarch, & the connection between knowledge & political power, are themes of Marsilio placing him in opposition to the church & treated at greater lengths by later writers. J. Anderson
This paper explains the meaning of Marsilius of Padua's work, the first medieval non-clerical theory of the State. Marsilius intends to fight the pontifical doctrine called plenitudo potestatis, which he says to be the cause of the civil war in Italy in the beginning of the 14th century. Then his thought is based on the unity of the sovereignty, in opposition to dualism, characteristic of other authors who defend the secular power, as John of Paris, Ockham or Dante. Marsilius states that there are no spiritual grounds to maintain a temporal power different from the power of the human legislator and that is why the only supreme power or plenitudo potestatis does not belong to the Pope, but to the secular ruler. From that follows the complete absorption of Church by the State and the secular ruler's authority on the whole ecclesiastical organization. The Marsilius's thought represents an effort with no precedents to base the power on rational grounds, but it is far from the modern idea of sovereignty, as well as from liberalism and from Rousseau's general will. Even though it was not successful in his time, it had a great influence on Anglican Reformation and «English erastianism», specially on Hobbes. ; El trabajo expone el significado de la obra de Marsilio de Padua, la primera teoría medieval no clerical del Estado. Marsilio se propone combatir la doctrina de la plenitudo potestatis papal, porque la considera causa de la guerra civil en Italia a principios del siglo XIV. Se basa para ello en la unidad de la soberanía, frente al dualismo que caracteriza a otros defensores del poder secular, como Juan de Paris, Ockham o Dante. Sostiene que no existe fundamento espiritual para un poder diferente del poder del legislador humano y que el único poder supremo o plenitudo potestatis no corresponde al Papa sino al gobernante secular. De lo cual se sigue la completa absorción de la Iglesia por el Estado y la atribución al gobernante temporal de toda la organización eclesiástica. La filosofía marsiliana representa un esfuerzo sin precedentes por dar al poder un fundamento racional, pero está lejos de la idea moderna de soberanía, así como del liberalismo y de la voluntad general de Rousseau. No tuvo éxito en su tiempo, pero influyó en la reforma anglicana y en el erastianismo de Hobbes.
Este artículo analiza cómo las democracias europeas están tolerando –cuando no promoviendo– la proliferación de mensajes denigrantes hacia aquellos ciudadanos que viven su religión, especialmente la católica, y reclaman la presencia de esta experiencia en el ámbito público; sufriendo por todo ello una discriminación que es amparada sistemáticamente por las instituciones políticas, alcanzando niveles de delitos de odio que en ningún caso serían admisibles en relación al género, la raza, la discapacidad o la orientación sexual. Los delitos de odio por motivos religiosos hacia el catolicismo se han convertido en norma, legitimando las afrentas hacia una religión que se caricaturiza como colonialista y a unos seguidores a los que se etiqueta como privilegiados explotadores, siendo todo ello producto de una confusión interesada entre el fenómeno de la secularización y el del laicismo. Así, desde la premisa jurídico-político de la laicidad del Estado, se demoniza como fundamentalista cualquier manifestación de un creyente católico que, desde el respeto absoluto a los valores democráticos, proponga sus principios como valores propositivos para la sociedad y la vida pública; aptitud que, en aras de la paz social y como manifestación de un laicismo que se ha convertido en una ideología que busca erradicar del ámbito púbico cualquier vinculación de Dios en las vidas humanas y en sus estructuras, es tole-rada paradójicamente en relación a religiones objetivamente fundamentalistas o respecto a posiciones visceralmente hostiles hacia la religión. Consideramos que este trato es aplicado al catolicismo con el fin de acallar su influencia moral, ya que, además de agente fundamental en el proceso histórico de institucionalización del poder temporal, constituye un baluarte frente a cualquier abuso de intromisión política en la vida de las personas. En definitiva, en aras de instaurar el pensamiento único del Estado, se trataría de deslegitimar el mensaje evangélico de la Iglesia en su denuncia a todo tipo intervencionismo, dependencia y control estatal que vulnere el pleno desarrollo de la libertad y la dignidad humana. ; This article analyses how European democracies are tolerating - if not promoting -the proliferation of denigrating messages towards those citizens who live their religion, especially Catholicism, and demand the presence of this experience in the public sphere; suffering discrimination that is systematically protected by political institutions, reaching levels of hate crimes that would never be admissible in relation to gender, race, disability or sexual orientation. Religiously motivated hate crimes against Catholicism have become the norm, legitimising affronts towards a religion that is caricatured as colonialist and followers who are labelled as privileged exploiters, all of this being the product of a self-interested confusion between the phenomenon of secularisation and that of secularism. Thus, from the legal-political premise of the secularity of the State, any manifestation of a Catholic believer who, with absolute respect for democratic values, proposes his or her principles as propositional values for society and public life, is demonised as fundamentalist; An attitude that, for the sake of social peace and as a manifestation of a secularism that has become an ideology that seeks to eradicate from the public sphere any link to God in human lives and their structures, is paradoxically tolerated in relation to objectively fundamentalist religions or in relation to positions that are viscerally hostile to religion. We consider that this treatment is applied to Catholicism in order to silence its moral influence, since, in addition to being a fundamental agent in the historical process of institutionalisation of temporal power, it constitutes a bulwark against any abuse of political meddling in people's lives. In short, in order to establish the State's single way of thinking, the aim would be to delegitimise the Church's evangelical message in its denunciation of any kind of state interventionism, dependence and control that violates the full development of freedom and human dignity. ; peerReviewed
Os movimentos religiosos fundamentalistas encaram o Estado secular como um inimigo, porque pretendem sistematizar seu poder como se Deus não atuasse. Esses movimentos consideram sua religião como o repositório de verdade absoluta, a fonte derradeira que legitima as leis humanas. Assim, conquanto sejam pós-seculares, ao mesmo tempo tentam transformar os princípios religiosos em agendas políticas. Com efeito, os militantes agem frequentemente de acordo com princípios políticos, procurando afirmar o primado de sua própria fé sobre a dos outros. Eles se movem dentro das sociedades contemporâneas em nome de uma teologia política radical. Os principais argumentos baseiam-se em dois estudos de caso: o Bodu Bala Sena no Sri Lanka e os movimentos para o Hindutva na Índia.
This article is aimed to show the crucial significance of the notion of «Christian freedom» for Luther's political reflections, as it enables us to directly reveal the foundations of his ecclesiological doctrines and to indirectly investigate the deepest basis upon which his theory of civil authority is elaborated. This leads us to point to the central role played by certain elements of Lutheran voluntarist theology, which give unity to Luther's thought and which, in the last instance, constitute a theological-political model of doubtless influence on modern times. ; Este trabajo pretende mostrar la trascendencia de la noción de «libertad cristiana» para la reflexión política de Lutero, en tanto permite desvelar directamente los fundamentos de sus doctrinas eclesiológicas e, indirectamente, indagar las bases últimas sobre las que elabora su teoría de la autoridad civil. Esto conduce a señalar la centralidad de determinados elementos de la teología voluntarista luterana que dan unidad a su pensamiento y, en definitiva, conforman un modelo teológico político de indudable influencia sobre la modernidad.
Este artigo apresenta elementos básicos de uma teoria da competição religioso-secular ao nível individual. A teoria argumenta que, em muitas sociedades, os indivíduos podem escolher entre opções seculares e religiosas, criando uma situação de competição entre instituições religiosas e seculares. A competição entre fornecedores religiosos e seculares é influenciada por três fatores contextuais importantes: inovação, regulação e recursos. Oferecemos seis exemplos de estudos empíricos que demonstram que a teoria da competição religioso-secular explica fenômenos contrastantes como a diferença no sucesso da cura pela fé em países africanos e europeus, a mudança e diminuição da socialização religiosa na Suíça, as variações da frequência às igrejas nos EUA, a variação na atratividade dos mosteiros, a secularização tardia da Irlanda ou o sucesso das megaigrejas desde a década de 1970.
