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Chapter 1 Polarization in Post-Industrial Societies: Social and Economic Roots and Consequences -- I The Concept of Polarization -- II The Causes of Polarization: Economic Restructuring -- III The Changing Nature of Employment and the Polarized Nature of Cities -- IV Linking Groups and Economic Change -- V Relating Social to Spatial Polarization -- VI Propositions for the Study of Social Polarization -- VI.a Propositions -- VII Conclusions -- Chapter 2 Social Polarization in Post-Industrial London -- I From Pre-Industrial to Post-Industrial City -- II The Emergence of the Post-Industrial City -- III Social Polarization in London -- IV Race and Ethnicity in London -- V Issues of Policy -- Chapter 3 Social Segmentation and Spatial Polarization in Greater Paris -- I The Economic and Political Roles of Paris -- I.a Paris as an International and National Metropolis -- I. b Paris as a National Capital -- II Regional and Local Forms and Processes of Polarization and Segregation -- II.a Processes of Social Polarization -- II.b Residential Segregation -- III Social Policies against Polarization and Residential Segregation -- III.a Urban Renewal in Paris and Social Polarization in the Metropolis -- III.b The District of La Défense -- III. c New Towns as Growth Centers -- III d Social Housing: Is there a Duality in the Suburban Housing Market? -- IV Present Stakes and Future Challenges of Segregation -- IV. a Suburban Crisis: Social Crisis or Housing Crisis? -- IV.b Urban Dynamics and Relations between Metropolization and Segregation -- V Conclusion -- Chapter 4 Amsterdam: Urban Change and the Welfare State -- I Introduction -- II Changes Affecting Dutch Society in the Last Quarter-Century -- II.a Economic Restructuring in the Netherlands -- II.b Changing Household Composition in the Netherlands -- II. c International Migration to the Netherlands

A test of two competing theories of status polarization of social welfare attitudes: (1) a social-psychological approach that sees status polarization as a function of identification with social groups; & (2) an economic theory that sees policy preferences as a function of the individual's expected utility from various policies. Center for Political Studies (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor) data from the years 1956-1984 reveal that the utility maximizing hypothesis has much more explanatory power for the middle & late 1970s. SC identification, on the other hand, rivals utility maximization as an expression of policy preferences during the years 1956-1964 & shows a slight resurgence in 1982 & 1984. These results suggest little prospect for a revival of the New Deal party coalitions, barring strong political leadership that defines issues in class terms & polarizes the electorate. 5 Tables, 43 References. Modified HA

This chapter explores the implications of growing economic and social inequality in California for the state's social contract, as well as the role of government and other institutions in addressing the new polarization. Data from the ILE's 2001-02 California Workforce Survey reveal that a majority of Californians are seriously concerned about the widening economic divide and support public policy measures that would help to narrow it. Respondents with lower incomes and less education are especially supportive of a strong government role in this area, as are noncitizens, Latinos, and African Americans. Because of the concentration of low-wage workers, immigrants, and Latinos in the southern part of the state, attitudes there belie the conservative stereotype of Southern California, traditionally juxtaposed to the relatively liberal attitudes assumed to be typical of the Bay Area. The survey results suggest that today, southern Californians are in fact more supportive of a strong government role than are people in the rest of the state. Southern Californians are also more pro-union than their counterparts elsewhere in the state. Another important topic in the chapter is public policy in regard to the problem of combining work and family responsibilities, with a large majority of survey respondents reporting that they favor compensating workers for family leave, and making child care and elder care more affordable.

Draws on data from the General Household Survey (GHS) on household incomes in GB & London between 1979 & 1993 to examine the existence of social polarization & inequality. It is noted that polarization in America is usually defined as shrinkage of the middle classes & growth at both the top & bottom of the occupational & earnings spectrum. Conversely, polarization in GB emphasizes a growing divide between a "comfortable middle mass of households with two or more earners & a residualized group with no earners." Analysis of GHS data at the household income level showed little evidence for the American model of polarization in GB but revealed a significant increase in income inequality between 1979-1993 in GB as a whole, & even more so in London, with most of the transfer occurring from the middle to the top end of the household income distribution. Dual income professional/managerial households were shown to be the most affluent. The negative effect of gender & ethnicity on differences in the median household income is discussed. 19 Tables. J. Lindroth