Suchergebnisse

Replik auf Jack Halperns Artikel über die Polarisierung in Rhodesien (The World Today, 27 (1971) 1. S. 1-8). (DÜI-Ker)

A nat'l survey of 1,200 adults & another 6,000 adults in 6 central cities in the North were used to identify pop subgroups that differed greatly from each other on att's toward race relations utilizing a technique known as Polarized Subgroup Analysis (PSA). Indices of race relations, the pace & effort of integration, causes of riots, & ways to prevent riots were developed based on inter-item r's. The most important independent variables were selected based on stepwise multiple regression results. These included the amount of the R's past pol'al behavior, his educ, race, sex, age, region of the country, & the city's past riot history. Independent variables were then divided into categories & subgroups were defined by the combination of several variables. Although whites & nonwhites were in approximate agreement on some general statements about integration, specific programs, particularly in housing, lead to widely diff viewpoints even when multiple attributes were used to define racial subgroups. On indices based on combining several items, neither survey found white subgroups whose average scores overlapped in a meaningful way with those of nonwhite subgroups. Further, while younger & better-educated whites were closer to blacks than other white subgroups, younger & better-educated blacks tended to be further from whites than other black subgroups. AA.

Two experiments examined the group polarization hypothesis. In Experiment I group discussion polarized the evaluations of six hypothetical faculty members, three described positively and three negatively. 'Good' faculty were rated and paid even more favorably after group interaction and contrariwise for 'bad' faculty. Experiment II separated subjects into groups which were conservative or liberal in attitudes regarding women. Subsequent discussion of statements regarding the role of women yielded an increase in the attitude gap between the conservative and liberal communities.

THE PAPER EXAMINES THE WAYS GOVERNMENT POLICIES HAVE CAUSED AND/OR HELPED TO PERPETUATE THE POLARIZATION OF BLACK ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT SINCE THE MID-1960'S - AN URBAN UNDERCLASS DEVELOPING ALONGSIDE A SMALL MIDDLE CLASS. SPECIFIC POLICIES AND PROGRAMS EXAMINED INCLUDE PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT, PUBLIC ASSISTANCE AND WORKER TRAINING.

This paper discusses the processes which make it very difficult in Poland to stabilize a quasi-liberal form of an authoritarian regime, based on a 'social contract' legitimacy on one hand and on bureaucratic- conciliatory patterns of problem-solving on the other. Given deepening economic crisis and the disintegration of the state administration, three phases of the 'Solidarity' union's development are outlined: 'self-limiting revolution', 'identity crisis' and 'open conspiracy.' The analysis of political processes inside 'Solidarity' is then paired with an analysis of parallel processes developing inside the power apparatus, based on the erosion of traditional roles of the communist party. Concluding remarks stress certain similarities between modernizing functions of 'Solidarity' in Poland and Leninist communist party in Russia.