Up from Polarization
In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 107-110
ISSN: 1946-0910
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In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 107-110
ISSN: 1946-0910
In: 18 Zeitschrift für Zivilprozess International 303 (2013)
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In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, Band 37, Heft 6, S. 492-522
ISSN: 1521-0731
In: Studies in conflict & terrorism, Band 37, Heft 6, S. 492-522
ISSN: 1057-610X
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 1242-1243
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 124, Heft 3, S. 551
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Journal of democracy, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 20-32
ISSN: 1086-3214
In: The Inevitable Party, S. 59-83
In: Political studies review, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 158-159
ISSN: 1478-9299
In: Congress and the presidency: an interdisciplinary journal of political science and history, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 92-93
ISSN: 0734-3469
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 37, Heft 4, S. 735-748
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 221-234
ISSN: 0033-362X
A nat'l survey of 1,200 adults & another 6,000 adults in 6 central cities in the North were used to identify pop subgroups that differed greatly from each other on att's toward race relations utilizing a technique known as Polarized Subgroup Analysis (PSA). Indices of race relations, the pace & effort of integration, causes of riots, & ways to prevent riots were developed based on inter-item r's. The most important independent variables were selected based on stepwise multiple regression results. These included the amount of the R's past pol'al behavior, his educ, race, sex, age, region of the country, & the city's past riot history. Independent variables were then divided into categories & subgroups were defined by the combination of several variables. Although whites & nonwhites were in approximate agreement on some general statements about integration, specific programs, particularly in housing, lead to widely diff viewpoints even when multiple attributes were used to define racial subgroups. On indices based on combining several items, neither survey found white subgroups whose average scores overlapped in a meaningful way with those of nonwhite subgroups. Further, while younger & better-educated whites were closer to blacks than other white subgroups, younger & better-educated blacks tended to be further from whites than other black subgroups. AA.
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 221
ISSN: 1537-5331
In: Annual review of political science, Band 16, S. 101-127
ISSN: 1545-1577
This article examines if the emergence of more partisan media has contributed to political polarization and led Americans to support more partisan policies and candidates. Congress and some newer media outlets have added more partisan messages to a continuing supply of mostly centrist news. Although political attitudes of most Americans have remained fairly moderate, evidence points to some polarization among the politically involved. Proliferation of media choices lowered the share of less interested, less partisan voters and thereby made elections more partisan. But evidence for a causal link between more partisan messages and changing attitudes or behaviors is mixed at best. Measurement problems hold back research on partisan selective exposure and its consequences. Ideologically one-sided news exposure may be largely confined to a small, but highly involved and influential, segment of the population. There is no firm evidence that partisan media are making ordinary Americans more partisan. Adapted from the source document.