Suchergebnisse

Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.

Hladni rat je predstavljao rat ideologija bez presedana u istoriji. Nijedan drugi rat, ni pre ni posle ovog višedecenijskog hladnog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika, nije bio rat koji se vodio u tolikoj meri u sferi meke moći kao Hladni rat. Odsustvo neposrednog oružanog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskog Saveza učinilo je da se Hladni rat odvija kao takmičenje u sferi ekonomije, tehnologije i nauke, kao trka u nuklearnom i konvencionalnom naoružanju i kao svemirsko nadmetanje. Pored takmičenja u sferi tvrde moći, Sjedinjene Američke Države i Sovjetski Savez vodili su intenzivnu bitku u oblasti meke moći. Ovo je bio sukob između američke liberalno-demokratske ideologije i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Svaka od ove dve zemlje težila je tome da ubedi građane one druge zemlje da je njen društveni i ekonomski sistem idealan i da je bolji i pravedniji od sistema njenog glavnog suparnika. Uzrok propasti Sovjetskog Saveza i komunizma u istočnoj Evropi nikada sa sgurnošću neće moći da bude određen. Okolnosti koje su dovele do raspada Sovjetskog Saveza, pada Berlinskog zida 1989. godine i urušavanja komunizma u Evropi ne mogu se svesti na skup vojnih, političkih, ekonomskih i društvenih činilaca koji su, nezavisno jedni od drugih, doveli do tektonskih promena u međunarodnim odnosima. Svi ovi činioci zajedno, isprepletani u kompleksnu mrežu poluga, učinili su da se Sovjetski Savez uruši i da Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama prepusti ulogu pobednika u Hladnom ratu. Pritom, Amerika nije bila samo vojni i ekonomski pobednik. Amerika je iz Hladnog rata izašla kao moralni i ideološki pobednik. Hladni rat predstavlja temu izuzetno velikog broja radova, ali mali broj tih radova se bavi analizom američko-sovjetskog sukoba u sferi meke moći. Stoga je cilj ovog istraživanja i rada rasvetljavanje, objašnjene i tumačenje poluga meke moći koje su Sjedinjene Američke Države institucionalizovale, pokrenule i upotrebile u ideološkoj borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza u vreme Hladnog rata. Međutim, Sjedinjene Američke Države nisu od svog nastanka u drugoj polovini 18. veka do Hladnog rata osmišljeno primenjivale svoju meku moć. Do Hladnog rata upotreba poluga meke moći bila praksa kojom su se Sjedinjene Američke Države bavile isključivo u vreme učešća u oružanim sukobima. Tek sa Hladnim ratom u Americi se javlja potreba za namenskom i osmišljenom upotrebom poluga meke moći. Odmah nakon Drugog svetskog rata Sovjetski Savez je počeo da vrši uticaj na druge zemlje šireći marksističku ideologiju i komunističke ideje. Osim širenja marksističke ideologije Sovjetski Savez je vodio i dobro osmišljenu kampanju protiv Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i američkog načina života. Američka administracija je kao odgovor na sovjetsku spoljnu politiku u periodu od 1946. do 1950. godine stvorila politiku obuzdavanja Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetskog uticaja u svetu svim sredstvima. Ovo je podrazumevalo kako upotrebu poluga tvrde moći tako i primenu poluga meke moći. U to vreme u američkom društvu postojao je konsenzus o upotrebi političkih, vojnih i ekonomskih oruđa u borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza, ali je upotreba poluga meke moći bila predmet duge javne rasprave. Jedna od izuzetno važnih poluga meke moći su državni programi informisanja, odnosno ono što se u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama smatra propagandom, a propaganda se od nastanka Sjedinjenih Američkih Država do danas smatra nečasnom delatnošću autokratskih režima. Sjedinjene Američke Države su u periodu neposredno nakon Drugog svetskog rata sprovele zakonske, institucionalne i strukturalne promene koje su omogućile trajno ustanovljavanje poluga meke moći zarad širenja američkih vrednosti, ideja i kulture i zarad ideološke borbe protiv Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Zakoni doneti u to vreme su na snazi i danas i pružaju okvir za mnogobrojne programe i aktivnosti na polju primene poluga meke moći po celom svetu. ; The Cold War was a war without precedent in the history. No war before this prolonged cold conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union was waged that much in the realm of soft power as the Cold War. In the absence of an immediate armed conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, the Cold War was conducted as a competition in the areas of economy, technology and science, nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as the space race. Besides the competition in the realm of hard power, the United States and the Soviet Union pursued an intensive battle in the realm of soft power. This was a conflict between the American ideology of a liberal democracy and the Soviet Marxist ideology. Each of the two attempted to persuade the citizens of the other country that its social and economic practice was an ideal one, better and more just than the other one. The source of the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism in Eastern Europe will never be fully determined. The circumstances that brought about the break-up of the Soviet Union, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the fall down of communism in Europe cannot be summarized as an aggregation of military, political, economic and social factors that independently from each other led to the colossal changes in the world order. All of these factors, entangled together in a complex net, caused the implosion of the Soviet Union which left the United States as the winner in the Cold War. Yet, the United States was not only a military and economic victor, it resurfaced as a moral and ideological champion, as well. The Cold Was has been a theme of numerous papers but only a handful of these papers tackled the American-Soviet conflict in the realm of soft power. Thus, the objective of this research and dissertation is to shed the light, explain and construe the instruments of soft power that the United States institutionalized, put into motion and deployed in the ideological battle against Soviet Union in the Cold War. However, since its birth in the 18th century until the Cold War, the United States had not wielded its soft power strategically. Up to the Cold War, the soft power instruments were used exclusively during the times when the United States was involved in an armed conflict. Only in the Cold War, the need for intentional and thoughtful use of soft power instruments emerged. Soon after the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union got set off to exert its influence by diffusing its Marxist ideology and communist values. In addition to spreading its ideology, the Soviet Union led a well-planned campaign against the United States and the American way of life. From 1946 to 1950, in response to the Soviet policy towards the United States, the American administration coined the policy of containment of the Soviet Union and the Soviet influence in the world. The policy of containment included both the use of the instruments of hard power and of soft power. At that time, there was a consensus in the American society on the use of political, military and economic means in fighting the Soviet Union, while the use of soft power instruments was a subject of a prolonged public discourse. Government information programs, perceived as propaganda in the United States, have always been a very important soft power instrument, and propaganda has been considered by Americans to be a dishonest activity of autocratic governments. In the period right after the Second World War, the United States implemented legislative, institutional and structural changes that allowed for permanent establishment of the soft power instruments. These foreign policy instruments made it possible for the United States government to diffuse American values, ideas and culture and to wage an ideological war against the Soviet Union and its Marxist principles. The acts adopted at that time are in place nowadays, and provide a legal framework for numerous programs and activities in the realm of soft power.

Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new "Rule book of definition of scientific areas". By the "Book", politology is a scientific field in the area of social sciences. The field is divided in three branches: 1. politology, 2. theory and history of politics, 3. political philosophy. The author of this article shows by documents how the "political science" is quite differently structured by IPSA and APSA, and describes 120 years of dominantly American development of "political science" and of professions of political scientists which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines and areas of expertise which are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: 1. political institutions, 2. political behaviour, 3. comparative politics, 4. internationa relations, 5. political theory, 6. public policy and public administration/management, 7. political economy, 8. political methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on development of science, research organisation, renewal of teaching staff on University, and on academic education of political scientists, as well as on internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts, and Croatian democratic political thought and political culture in general. (SOI : PM: S. 240)

One of the characteristics of the cultural policy of the NDH is a more resolute publishing activity with an emphasis on the creation of the Ustasha literature, important for the promotion of the Ustasha programmatic principles. Several titles were promoted daily from all aspects of human activity, which amounts to 3000 titles in all. Matica Hrvatska, Croatia Publishing (Bibliographical) Office, Croatian Academy of Arts and Sciences and Contemporary Library can boast of quality titles. The aim of this article is not an evaluation of the literature, but an illustration of th literary production in the NDH. (SOI : CSP: S. 71)

The diplomacy of socialist Yugoslavia paid a lot of attention to the international reputation of the country in the sphere of culture, and thus literature. At the same time, Yugoslav writers in the Writer's Union of Yugoslavia, faithfully supported Yugoslav foreign policy, both individually and institutionally. The most impressive example of collaboration between literature and diplomacy was awarding Ivo Andrić a Nobel Prize. The Writers' Union of Yugoslavia nominated the writer in 1958, and Yugoslav diplomacy lobbied in favor of Andrić for several years. The efforts were successfully crowned in 1961. In socialist Yugoslavia, the existence of a special Macedonian nation and its culture and language was insisted on, so in that sense, the greatest challenge was denying the Macedonian identity that came from Bulgaria. The Yugoslav Writers' Union, consistently pursuing state policy, suspended official co-operation with the Bulgarian Writers' Union in the second half of the 1960s due to Bulgaria's refusal to recognize the Macedonian language. Yugoslav writers also adapted to the state policy of non-alignment. They did not reach the level of cooperation with those countries that existed in the field of politics, economics or science, but they maintained ties with writers from those parts of the world in various ways. Among other things, the twentieth anniversary of the Belgrade Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in October 1981 was a meeting of writers of non-aligned countries in Belgrade.

Recent theoretical and empirical research in economic science and other social sciences has indicated a growing interest in the interdependence of social capital and public governance. The aim of the paper is to identify the basic channels and mechanisms for the contribution of social capital to the quality of public governance, based on the analysis of the interdependence of social capital and public governance. The subject of this doctoral dissertation is social capital as a determinant of the quality of public governance. Statistical methods - regression and correlation analysis - were applied to determine cause and effect relationships between the investigated phenomena. The analysis covers selected transition economies (10 Central and Eastern European countries: Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania, as well as the Republic of Serbia) for the two comparative time series relating to 2010 and 2016. year. The results of correlation and regression analysis confirmed the starting hypothesis that there is a relationship of interdependence between social capital and public governance. In addition, selected theoretical and empirical research has shown the validity of hypotheses that a higher level of trust creates the conditions for the development of effective formal institutions, and that social participation influences the development of a more responsible and responsive public administration. Particular attention in this doctoral dissertation is also devoted to the analysis of the state of social capital and the performance of public governance in the Republic of Serbia. Also, the observed tendencies in the structure of public governance in the Republic of Serbia indicate the importance of combating corruption and strengthening the rule of law. The research findings in this doctoral dissertation represent a significant input to macroeconomic policy makers in transition economies and provide a basis for considering the importance of social capital and its individual components, as determinants of improving the quality of public governance.

The paper analyses the problems that have been undermining the US recruitment policy for the last two decades - which is aimed at providing soldiers for imperial disciplining wars waged on the planetary periphery - as a case study to test the validity of theoretical assumptions about the transition to the age of post-heroic warfare. The departing hypothesis is based on stance that the United States, being the only remained superpower, experience a gradual and less visible process of losing popular support for military conscription, which the author employs here as an ideal of national vitality and a pillar of modern citizenship, as well as a feature of masculinity and the realm for self-realisation. The analysis takes place primarily in the field of anthropology and sociology and employs theoretical positions of social constructivism to complement narrow theoretical and methodological approaches of political science which are typically applied in the study of international relations. The analysis focuses on the "cracks" and deformations in the construction of ideals of warfare and heroism, which emerge as a result of the interaction of man - both as an individual and a member of the political community - the public, and the US foreign policy decisions designed to meet the needs and requirements of successful disciplinary imperial warfare. The author concludes that theoretical assumptions about entering the age of post-heroic warfare are valid due to the recruitment crisis in the US military, the unpopularity of the military profession, the commodification of warfare and death, the transformation of war into an industrial process, and misleading media portrayals of dead and wounded soldiers.

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative - although not isolated - example has not inspired empirical and theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics". Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency", the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure and to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics and future prospects and outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "centre" and the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system". The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science and sociological analysis. In his opinion, and due to certain favourable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. + Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical- hypothetical level, and should be understood as an invitation to further discussion and as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; and (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) and Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder and warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait and in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. (SOI : PM: S. 211)

U radu se razmatraju promene koje su nastale poslednjih decenija u obrazovnoj politici Rusije, a koje se tiču razvijanja informatizacije obrazovne sredine. Prelazak na novi postsovjetski model sistema visokog obrazovanja, zasnovan na evropskim standardima, doveo je do promena u odnosu nastavnik–student, što se odnosi i na veću samostalnost u radu studenata i smanjenje angažovanja nastavnika i vremena koje je određeno za komunikaciju studenata sa nastavnicima. Značajan deo u sistemu ocenjivanja znanja sprovodi se putem testiranja. Ukazuje se na negativne posledice ovih promena koje se reflektuju na kvalitet budućih stručnjaka, s obzirom da interakciju u komunikaciji sa nastavnicima zamenjuju kompjuteri, odnosno formalno popunjavanje zadataka bez adekvatne refleksije. Uspon informatizacije obrazovne sredine u Rusiji preti značajnim nestankom celog niza profesija, kao i povećanjem broja nazaposlenih. Imajući u vidu značaj koji digitalne tehnologije imaju na razvoj ekonomije i privrede zemlјe, njenu odbrambenu sposobnost i političke procese, ukazuje se na potrebu za usklađivanjem obrazovanja sa potrebama na tržištu rada, kao i na potrebu da se obrazuju novi profili stručnjaka koji će biti sposobni da upravlјaju kompleksnom savremenom tehnikom, uređajima i robotima kako bi država sačuvala svoje pozicije na svetskom nivou. Naglašava se nedostatak interakcije i saradnje između strukovnih univerziteta sa poslodavcima i naučnim institucijama, što dovodi do smanjenja kvaliteta obrazovnih procesa, koji se najpre odnose na praktičnu osposoblјenost stručnjaka. Na osnovu analize problema u informaciono-obrazovnoj sredini koji su prikazani u ovom radu možemo da zaklјučimo da je neophodno razmotriti načine primene informaciono-komunikacione tehnologije u funkciji unapređivanja obrazovnog sistema. Naime, savremena obrazovna sredina mora da obuhvata sistem organizaciono-metodičkih, softverskih i drugih tehničkih sredstava za čuvanje, obradu i prenošenje informacija koja obezbeđuju brži pristup materijalima, među kojima je i stručna literatura. Takva sredina je pogodna za interaktivnu komunikaciju nastavnika sa studentima i time doprinosi efikasnijem učenju i pobolјšanju uvida nastavnika u samostalan rad studenta. Informaciono-obrazovna sredina se izgrađuje kao integrisani multikomponentni sistem pomoću koga se može napraviti selekcija na različitim nivoima. Razumevanje odlučujuće uloge informacija u evolucijskim procesima prirode i društva dovodi do otkrića potpuno nove, informacione slike sveta koja se značajno razlikuje od tradicionalnog tehnokratskog pristupa koji dominira u nauci. ; The work deliberates the changes that occurred in Russian educational policy in the last decades, concerning development of informatization of educational environment. Transition to the new post-soviet model of high education based on European standards led to changes in the teacherstudent relationship. These changes involve a greater independence in work for students and reduced engagement of a teacher and the amount of time intended for communication between students and teachers. A major part of knowledge assessment is performed via tests. It points to negative consequences of these changes that are reflected in the quality of future experts, as the interaction in communication with teachers is replaced by computers i.e. formal fulfilment of tasks without adequate reflection. The rise of informatization in Russian educational environment may jeopardise a significant number of professions and increase number of unemployed. Having in mind the significance of digital technologies for the development of the country's economy and industry, its defence capability and political processes, it points to the need for harmonization of education with the labour market needs as well as the necessity to educate new profiles of experts who will be capable of managing complex modern technical solutions, devices and robots so as to enable the country to preserve its global position. It stresses the lack of interaction and cooperation between vocational universities and employers and scientific institutions, which leads to decline in quality of educational processes, primarily regarding the know-how of experts. Upon analysing the problems in information-educational environment as presented in this paper, we can conclude that it is necessary to look into the ways of implementing the information and communications technologies for the sake of improving the educational system. Namely, modern educational environment has to include the system of organizational and methodical, software and other technical methods for storing, processing and transmitting the information which provide faster approach to resources, professional literature included. Such environment is suitable for interactive communication between teachers and students and contributes to a more efficient learning and a better teacher's insight into the student's independent work. Information-educational environment needs to be formed as an integrated multicomponent system, acting as a means for making selection at different levels. Comprehension of decisive role of information in evolution processes of the nature and society leads to discovery of a completely new, informational concept of the world, which differs a great deal from the traditional technocratic approach prevailing in science. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

In the 1960s, the quantity of publications on aesthetics of music significantly increased in Hungary. The variability of the subjects, the approaches and the opinions are result of an explicit ideological reordering based on the consequently articulated politics of anti-Stalinism. By the mid-sixties the economic founding and sustainability of socialism and its optimized operation became the crucial problem for the power, hence the importance of natural and social sciences increased in the public discourses. The arts were no longer treated as mere illustrations of the political power and its intentions. I focus on the main contributions to aesthetics of music of the so-called creative Marxism written by three internationally acknowledged Hungarian scholars of this period: József Ujfalussy, Dénes Zoltai and János Maróthy. Selected texts are analized from theoretical points of view and interpreted in the context of the Hungarian cultural policy and the national and international career of their authors as well. ; Током шездесетих година прошлог века, број публикација о естетици музике значајно се повећао у Мађарској. Разноврсност тема, приступа и мишљења резултат је експлицитног идеолошког престројавања услед артикулације политике антистаљинизма. Будући да су средином шездесетих година економска утемељеност и одрживост социјализма и његова оптимизација постале кључни проблем власти, порастао је значај природних и друштвених наука у јавним дискурсима. Уметност више није третирана као пука илустрација политичке моћи и њених циљева. У овом раду фокусирам се на главне доприносе естетици музике од стране заступника тзв. креативног марксизма; аутори чије радове разматрам јесу три међународно призната мађарска естетичара из овог раздобља. Одабрани текстови анализирани су са теоријског становишта и интерпретирани у контексту мађарске културне политике, као и националне и међународне каријере аутора. На основу семиналне књиге Музичка слика стварности (1962) испитујем како се Јожеф Ујфалуси (József Ujfalussy) обавезао да ће конкретизовати основне категорије опште естетике марксизма-лењинизма у музици, да би створио музичко-теоријску основу за дебате о (социјалистичком) реализму у музици. Као резултат својих истраживања, Ујфалуси је разрадио интерпретацију категорије интонације, која садржи психолошке, неурофизиолошке и акустичке компоненте, као и разматрања о историји музичког материјала, мелодији, хармонији и жанровима уопште. Према мојој хипотези, његова естетика је од велике важности јер је послужила као чврста основа за Бартокову парадигму културне политике која се опрезно оријентисала према Западу и његовој "буржоаској" култури. Ову тенденцију је додатно развио Денеш Золтаи (Dénes Zoltai). У овом сегменту текста истражујем како је Золтаи заговарао антидогматску и либерализовану теорију уметности у својој збирци радова Превазилажење "књижевноцентричности" социјалистичког реализма (1964), у којој је музика коришћена као методолошка основа (а не књижевност). У својим написима он је изнео и ново тумачење националног карактера социјалистичке културе, наглашавајући важност интеграције разних дивергентних националних традиција буржоаске уметности. У овом раду, Золтаи се изричито позвао на политички маргинализованог, светски познатог филозофа и естетичара Ђерђа Лукаша (György Lukács), који је са ентузијазмом заговарао оријентацију социјалистичке музичке културе према Бартоковом духу и укупном опусу. Књига Музика и буржоазија, музика и пролетеријат (1966) коју је написао Јанош Мароти (János Maróthy) такође је престављала фундаменталан допринос мултидисциплинарном успостављању марксистичке музикологије у Мађарској. Интегришући неке резултате Ујфалусија и Золтаја, Мароти је конструисао наратив који је требало да буде предисторија социјалистичког реализма. Услед његових политички мотивисаних и застарелих ставова о функцији уметности,као и делимично телеолошког и нормативног карактера његове теорије, ова књига се изразито супротставља другим двема књигама које су предмет овог разматрања. Упоређивањем комплементарних и супротстављених елемената ових дела и њихове рецепције, постају нам разумљиви теоријски проблеми реализма и социјалистичке музичке културе тог времена, а може се видети и како су марксистички теоретичари покушавали да пронађу везу између савремених изазова и европских традиција. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

The dissertation explores the causes of the Euro crisis of 2009, using the institutional explanation in social sciences and the game theory. It includes discussions on the role of fiscal and monetary policies for stabilization of the economy, a brief history of monetary unions, as well as a summary of the European monetary integration process. Key findings of the dissertation are considering strategic situations in which the Member States have been involved before and after the creation of the European Economic and Monetary Union and the euro, which can be analysed using the game theory. The institutional design of the European Communities, after the breakup of the Breton Woods system, has put the Members States in the strategic situation of prisoner's dilemma, which in turn made coordination of monetary policies and exchange rates unfeasible. The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) made possible for the Member States to overcome the dilemma by transferring the monetary policy from national to the European level of governance. Unfortunately, the institutional design of the EMU created a specific set of the interdependence of the Member States and the institutional incentives which created a new collective action problem. The new problem can be observed as a strategic situation of the chicken game in which the Member States again does not have the incentive to act in the accordance with the rules in the same, cooperative manner. Finally, the dissertation analyses the institutional consequences of the crisis and the incentives emerged after the post-crisis reforms. The conclusion is that the reforms should prevent similar euro crisis. On the other hand, questions could be raised regarding the power shift among the main bodies of the European Union. ; Rad se bavi istraživanjem uzroka krize evra nastale 2009. godine, oslanjajući se na institucionalno objašnjenje u društvenim naukama i teoriju igara. Disertacija sadrži rasprave o ulozi fiskalne i monetarne politike za stabilizaciju privrede, kratku istoriju monetarnih unija pre Evropske ekonomske i monetarne unije (EMU), kao i sažetu istoriju evropske monetarne integracije. Ključni nalazi disertacije su tiču se strateških situacija koje su dovele do nastanka jedinstvene evropske valute i kasnije do njene krize, koje je moguće analizirati uz pomoć teorije igara. Institucionalni aranžman Evropskih zajednica nakon raspada Bretonvudskog sistema stavio je države članice u stratešku situaciju zatvorenikove dileme, što je činilo koordinaciju monetarnih politike i deviznog kursa neodrživim. Kako bi se prevazišao taj problem, formirana je EMU kojom je uveden evro, a monetarna politika prenesena na sa nacionalnog evropski nivo vlasti. Međutim dizajn EMU stvorio specifičan spoj međuzavisnosti i podsticaja iz koga je nastao nov problem kolektivnog delanja za države članice monetarne unije. Taj problem se ogleda u strateškoj situaciji igre kukavice u kojoj učesnici nemaju podsticaj da se ponašaju na istovetan, kooperativan način. Na kraju disertacije analizirani su podsticaji nastali sprovedenih institucionalnih reformi. Zaključak je će reforme najverovatnije sprečiti da nastanak slične krize u budućnosti, ali i da se mogu otvoriti nova pitanja u vezi sa promenom ravnoteže moći unutar organa EU.

Ovo empirijsko istraživanje zasnovano je na analizi literature koju je sproveo Stergiou (2017). Cilj istraživanja usmeren je na merenje kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti univerzitetskih nastavnika u Grčkoj, na osnovu povratnih informacija dobijenih od njihovih diplomiranih studenata. U istraživanju je primenjen upitnik. Uzorak se sastojao od 388 diplomaca, studenata ASPETE programa iz Soluna, akademske 2017/2018. i 2018/2019. Godine. Ispitanici su, pored svojih deklarisanih demografskih karakteristika, na skali od pet tačaka davali odgovore za svaku od 27 stavki koje opisuju aspekte kvaliteta obrazovnog rada, nastavnog materijala i aktivnosti, kao i nastavnih metoda svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika (1 – nimalo; 2 – veoma malo; 3 – prilično; 4 – mnogo; 5 – veoma mnogo). Rezultati pokazuju da diplomci smatraju kako njihovi univerzitetski nastavnici dobro poznaju sadržaj kurseva, te da su dosledni tokom predavanja (praćenje rasporeda i zadovoljavajuća priprema). Studenti su dali prosečne ocene svojim nastavnicima u 20 od 27 kriterijuma kvaliteta univerzitetskog nastavnika. Nastavnici su ocenjeni ispod proseka za organizaciju aktivnosti čiji je cilj aktivno učešće studenata u radu u učionici, davanje uvoda i rekapitulacija nastave u učionici, povezivanje nastavnih metoda sa profesionalnim okruženjem (sa tržištem rada), povezivanje sadržaja izučavanih kurseva sa drugim kursevima i korišćenje radnih resursa (npr. radnih listova, pokaznog materijala) koji olakšavaju učenje. Faktorska analiza pokazala je da sva pitanja imaju visoko opterećenje na jednoj faktorskoj osi – univerzitetskoj pedagogiji (F1, Kronbah α = 0,947, 42% ukupne varijanse), dok su dve druge ose specijalizovane za konkretna polja: jedna za savetodavno-mentorsku ulogu univerzitetskog nastavnika (F2, Kronbah α = 0,879, 24% ukupne varijanse), a druga za nauku i stručnost (F3, Kronbah 0,741, 13% ukupne varijanse). Hijerarhijskom klaster analizom izdvojile su se četiri grupe diplomaca. Prva (C1) obuhvata 16,8% uzorka, druga (C2) 33%, treća (C3) 41,5% i četvrta (C4) 8,8% diplomaca. Klaster C1 sastoji se od pojedinaca koji vrednuju pedagošku kompetenciju i pedagoško obrazovanje svojih univerzitetskih nastavnika, kao i njihovu primarno naučnu orijentaciju i profesionalizam, dok u potpunosti negiraju njihovu mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu. Grupu C2 čine diplomirani studenti koji u dovoljnoj meri uvažavaju mentorsko-savetodavnu ulogu svojih nastavnika, ali imaju negativno mišljenje o njihovim pedagoškim i didaktičkim aspektima. Diplomci koji pripadaju C3 grupi daju prosečnu ocenu kako pedagogiji nastave i pedagoškom obrazovanju svojih nastavnika, tako i njihovoj primarno naučnoj orijentaciji i profesionalizmu, dok misle da njihovi nastavnici nisu uspeli u svojoj mentorsko-savetodavnoj ulozi. Najzad, najmanji klaster C4 čine diplomci koji iako smatraju da pedagogija nastave i nastavne veštine njihovih nastavnika nisu adekvatne i ne veruju u njihove naučne veštine i profesionalizam, ipak prepoznaju njihov skroman doprinos kao savetnika i mentora koji su im pomogli da steknu predstavu o profesiji kojom bi želeli da se bave i da se tome prilagode. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da većina studenata daje nisku ocenu nastavnicima grčkih univerziteta u gotovo svim aspektima univerzitetske pedagogije, što ukazuje na odsustvo pedagoških i didaktičkih veština nastavnika. Ovaj rezultat je očekivan, zbog nepostojanja kvalifikovane obuke za nastavnike. To, zapravo, uopšte nije preduslov za započinjanje akademske karijere i ne postoji akademska ustanova koja bi im omogućila da steknu pedagoške i didaktičke kompetencije. Usaglašenost sa dobrom praksom drugih evropskih zemalja trebalo bi da bude strateški izbor obrazovne politike u cilju modernizacije grčkih univerziteta u ovoj oblasti i da se to čini sveobuhvatnije i efikasnije. ; This is a questionnaire based empirical research designed to measure the quality of educational work, teaching material and activities of Greek University teachers, based on their graduates' feedback. The sample consisted of 388 graduates, all students of the ASPETE programs of Thessaloniki, for the academic years 2017-2018 and 2018-2019. The subjects, in addition to their declared demographic characteristics, answered, on a five-point scale (1 – not at all, 2 − very little, 3 − quite, 4 − much, 5 − very much), the 27 items (criteria) describing the aspects of educational work quality, teaching material and activities and teaching methods of their academic teachers. Results showed that graduates perceive that their academic teachers had a good knowledge of the courses content and they were consistent during teaching courses (timetable observation and satisfactory preparation). Students gave moderate scores to their teachers in 20 out of the 27 quality criteria of an academic teacher. Teachers were rated below average in the organization of activities aiming at actively involving the students in the classroom, providing them with the introduction and recapitulation of their classroom teaching, linking their teaching methods to the professional environment (the labour market), linking the content of the studied courses with other courses and the use of labour resources (e.g. worksheets, demonstration materials) that facilitate learning. Factor analysis showed that all questions were highly loaded on one factorial axis, University Pedagogy (F1, Cronbach's α = 0.947, 42% of the total variance), while the two other axes were specialized in the fields, one in the Advisory- Mentor Role of the academic teacher (F2, Cronbach's α = 0.879, 24% of the total variance) and the other in Science and Professionalism (F3, Cronbach's 0.741, 13% of the total variance). Hierarchical Cluster Analysis highlighted four groups of graduates. The first (C1) includes 16.8% of the sample, the second (C2) 33%, the third (C3) 41.5% and the fourth (C4) 8.8% of the graduates. Cluster C1 consists of individuals who appreciated the value of pedagogical competence and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism while their mentoring-advisory role was completely deprecated. C2 consists of graduates who, while appreciating enough the mentor-advisory role of their teachers, have a negative view of their pedagogical and didactic training. C3 grades moderately both the teaching pedagogy and teaching training of their university teachers as well as their scientific background orientation and professionalism, while they think that their teachers have failed their mentor-advisory role. Finally, the smallest cluster C4, although it considers teaching pedagogy and teaching skills of their teachers inadequate, and does not believe in their science skills and professionalism, it recognizes a modest contribution as advisors and mentors who helped them get an idea of the profession they would like to follow and adapt to it. In conclusion, Greek university teachers are low-rated by the majority of students in almost all aspects of University Pedagogy, indicating the absence of their pedagogical and didactic training skills. This result was expected, due to absence of qualified teacher training. Indeed, it is not a prerequisite for entering the academic career and there is no academic institution offering them pedagogical and didactic competence. The compliance with good practices from other European countries should be a strategic educational policy choice in order to modernize Greek universities in this area and to do so more comprehensively and effectively. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.