Suchergebnisse

The paper focuses on the issue of theoretical and methodological justification of monetary policy and its tools. A review of Russian economists' theoretical approaches to this problem allowed the authors to identify theoretical, methodological and applied bases of evaluation of monetary policy of the Bank of Russia. The paper presents the authors' view of the scientific discussion on appropriateness of the monetary policy adopted by the Bank of Russia for the current state of the economy. The authors reveal principle distinctions between theoretical arguments of the supporters of the Bank's monetary policy and their opponents. The research theoretically and conceptually validates the changes in basic definitions and ideas contributing to the existing understanding of inflation in the monetary policy of the Bank of Russia. The analysis of macroeconomic theory and actual monetary policy gives grounds to conclude about their strong correlation. The suggested review of theoretical approaches to the problem studied will allow determining theoretical, methodological and applied rationale for monetary policy more accurately.

The reality of Russia confirms the relevance of studying the specifics of the historical form of policy prevalent in the country. In order to analyze the nature of the existing order of power in post-Soviet Russia, different analytical categories are required compared to democracy or authoritarianism. This warrants using approaches and methods which lie at the border between political science and sociology. Such approaches allow for examining politics as a process and a result of not only the elites' doings, but also a group of actors, which is not only not outlined, but, on the contrary, isn't really limited. The author of this article offers an authentic policy typology, starting with its ideal variety, being institutionalized, based on universal trust rather than force and on competition between projects and decisions aimed at common benefit, conducted within an indefinite circle of free citizens. Compared to true policy, the main distinctions of other phenomena is a lack of institutionalization in the case of "under-policy", lacking principles of unrestricted participation and alignment towards common good in the case of "pre-policy", and the use of unlawful violence in the case of "anti-policy". These phenomena can be described using the collective term "quasi-policy". "Under-policy" and "pre-policy" are inherent to people's "natural state", and can be used as a means to adjust public life and the circulation of resources, while "anti-policy" is a perverse form of social order which arises from not knowing any non-violent solutions to various problems. Based on the empirical data, the author shows that "pre-policy", which is becoming ever less effective, is prevalent in Russia, while also considering possible trends for its subsequent transformation. "Pre-policy" is characterized by syncretism of the governmental, economic and legislative domains of public life, being an archaic phenomenon by default. However, the degree of "pre-policy's" archaism varies. In Russia's case it is quite high. In Russia we see a high degree of integration on the social level within situational informal groups (cliques), combined with a low degree of trust on the societal level, which leads to there not being ideologically manifested political differentiation. The tendencies when it comes to the transformation of Russia's "pre-politics" are multidirectional and conflicting: together with amplified "pre-policy" by means of increasing archaism, we can also observe pre-political actors occasionally resorting to certain principles of "under-policy" and "anti-policy", when "pre-policy" is unable to help said actors solve the problems that they face.

The article is devoted to the development of the modern politics of identity construction in Japan, which actively refers to the practice of designing self-image in international relations. This trend dates back to the 19th century, when there was the end of Sakoku (Japan's policy of isolation). It is now possible to talk about the institutionalization of the identity construction policy to organized structures and regulations. Enhanced efforts in the field of Japanese traditional and popular culture, education and creative content has led to a number of institutions appearance (like Japan Foundation Fund, Japan Creative Agency, Japan Culture Fund, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Cool Japan Fund, Japan brand Fund) and changing idea about the role of culture in foreign policy realization (it is fixed the documents of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry), as well as a number of projects (Cool Japan, Visit Japan, Japan Culture Power, Japan Manga Awards, Kawaii Ambassadors, Cosplay International Fest and etc.). These efforts are aimed at forming Japan identity abroad to solve a number of foreign policy challenges of the future and the development of economic cooperation. The Japanese government nearest plans is to increase funding in order to create a positive image of Japan in the region of East Asia. All of these allows us to speak about the policy of the Japanese construction of identity as an institutionalized process in which there was clearance of organizations and regulatory activities.

Одной из наиболее актуальных и социально значимых проблем на сегодняшний день остается борьба с коррупцией. Несомненно, что наиболее эффективной мерой борьбы с коррупционными правонарушениями является их профилактика, выявляющая и предупреждающая такие нарушения. При этом важно отметить, что в ходе проведения профилактических мероприятий необходимо учитывать какие обстоятельства способствуют возникновению и распространению коррупционных нарушений, какие области наиболее коррупциогенны, не иначе как подвержены коррупционным рискам. Антикоррупционная политика представляет собой не только механизм устранения причин коррупционных нарушений, но и их предупреждения. А поскольку наступлению и распространению коррупционных нарушений способствует коррупционный риск для формирования эффективной антикоррупционной политики необходимо своевременное выявление коррупционных рисков. В связи с чем в данной статье автор анализирует особенности теоретико-методологического и нормативного подхода к определению коррупционных рисков, а также рассматривает их место и роль в системе антикоррупционного законодательства.

The course of political science in higher education is often read, to a large extent, as a theoretical course and affects the study of issues and problems of the formation and development of political institutions, processes and technologies. The focus is usually on the history of politics, the state as the central institution of the political system, political parties, political consciousness, culture, political relations, etc. However, it is very important that, when studying a course in political science, listeners understand the current political processes taking place around them. Some of them are well established, democratic processes, such as the electoral process. Others are associated with the impact of modern innovation processes on the political sphere of society. And in this case, political science as a science once again demonstrates its value in an applied format. For a deep understanding of this kind of political processes, additional aggregated information is needed, knowledge that should differ in such characteristics as relevance, novelty, compliance with modern development. In the modern digital era, it is necessary to additionally acquire knowledge about the digital transformation of political institutions, processes and technologies, including types of state policy, the most important of which is social. And it's not just the digital economy. This, first of all, digitalization of public administration (State-web) — Big Date management, blockchain, etc., as well as digitalization of business — the emergence and development of digital enterprises, etc. It is obvious that the use of digital technologies will become possible for the development of predictive political science. This article is largely a translation of German publications by scientists dealing with the development of modern political science education in the countries of the European Union, in particular, in the Federal Republic of Germany. The focus is on the impact of digitalization on the teaching of theoretical and applied political science.

Introduction. As part of French foreign policy, arms trade is currently considered to be a specific way to promote national influence in the world and support defense industry at home. This approach has been already exercised for several decades, but the last presidency was an entirely new and interesting point in this respect because in 2015 and 2016 French arms trade attained the highest income rates.

Methods. The key notion of this article is French 'strategic autonomy' which remains a pivotal point of any diplomatic activity of France since Charles de Gaulle's presidency. Arms export perfectly corresponds to this point because it helps to maintain French autonomy in economic and political ways. To prove it, several methods were provided such as functional method, comparative analysis and SWOT-analysis.

Analysis. This article aims to identify the specifics of contemporary French arms export policy. In this regard, the text is divided in three parts. The first one defines military export as a part of 'strategic autonomy' concept. To explain the recent growth, the second part explores a new governmental approach to arms trade. The third part brings together the issues and prospects of French military export expected for Emmanuel Macron's term.

Results. The main conclusion is that the new president seems to conduct the same policy as his predecessor. The government has reaffirmed its main principles in the field and renewed a political support for arms contracts. Military cooperation with foreign countries still officially depends on the idea of 'strategic autonomy' of France and its defense industry.

Данная статья посвящена научному рассмотрению и анализу текущей ситуации, связанной с молодежной брачностью в Китае. В статье также подробно, с учетом национальных реалий, разбирается отношение молодежи к брачности и меры, предпринимаемые властями рассматриваемой страны, для корректировки текущей политической ситуации в сфере молодежной брачности. Дан авторский анализ эффективности предпринимаемых политических действий.
Целью данной статьи является проведение всестороннего анализа государственной молодежной политики Китая в сфере брачности.
Задачи статьи: анализ мер, реализуемых руководством Китая, для увеличения числа официально зарегистрированных браков среди молодежи; анализ эффективности мер, проводимых руководством Китая, для увеличения брачности среди молодежи.
Выдвигаемая гипотеза состоит в том, что в настоящее время уровень брачности на территории Китая снижается.
Концептуально-методическая база исследования состоит из метода дескриптивной статистики, социокультурного метода, цивилизационного метода, ценностного метода, а также компаративного метода.
Результат проведенного исследования – комплексное понимание реалий рассматриваемого вопроса.
Полученные выводы позволяют говорить о постепенном прогрессе эффективности существующих в КНР в настоящий момент мер по данному вопросу.

В статье рассматривается курс Китая на Ближнем Востоке с целью определения роли и места Китайской Народной республики в контексте региональных отношений. Помимо экономических, преимущественно энергетических интересов, традиционно имевших для КНР первостепенное значение, сегодня Китай более активно продвигает и политическую повестку дня. В статье рассмотрены наиболее масштабные китайские инициативы для ближневосточного региона в области экономики и безопасности, проанализирована зарождающаяся китайская концептуализация ближневосточной политики. Последняя в настоящий момент носит максимально обобщенный характер, однако сам факт создания китайской стороной документов такого содержания представляется свидетельством намечающихся сдвигов в сторону более явной активности КНР в регионе. В ходе работы были проанализированы официальные документы и заявления, статистические данные и аналитические доклады, подготовленные коллективами авторов различных научно-исследовательских центров. Автор стремится к наиболее объективному анализу проводимого КНР политического курса, однако выстраивает аргументацию преимущественно в русле реалисткой теории международных отношений. В результате исследования выявлена тенденция к активизации китайской ближневосточной политики, а также вероятное намерение Китая закрепиться в регионе в качестве влиятельного внерегионального игрока.

The main idea of this article is to describe the process of Turkish foreign policy evolvement during the rule of Justice and Development party (JDP). From weak economy and unstable political situation in 2001, JDP quickly formulated a new strategy of foreign policy and stabilized economy. In the article the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century is divided into several stages which respond to different international threats and circumstances. The first stage was a peacekeeping stage when Turkey tried to stabilize the situation near its borders and implement peace initiatives for the purpose to find new markets and allies. As a result, Turkey formulated a new strategy of foreign policy, called "Zero Problems Policy" which aimed to create a ring of friendly countries on the borders. On the second stage, Turkish foreign policy was more active – Turkey tried to balance among regional power centers and confront with one of the most powerful actors – Israel. Confrontation with Tel Aviv was a preface to the third stage, and today under the influence of "Arab Spring" and desire to change its role in international relations, Turkey refused "Zero Problems Policy" strategy and turned to a new aggressive and revanchist idea – neo- Ottomanism. Ankara tries to build a new regional set of rules where Turkey will play a leading role.

The strategic position of the South Caucasus prompted the regional players, Russia, Iran and Turkey, to seek more significant influence on this territory. Israel is not a direct actor in the South Caucasus. Still, the region is of great strategic importance for the foreign policy doctrine of the Israeli state, whose interests only intensified as Iran's influence had expanded after the lifting of sanctions in 2016. This article focuses on the region's importance to Israel in its regional and national security. Based on this, the paper identifies and analyzes Israel's geopolitical priorities and interests in the South Caucasus. The primary attention is paid to the main directions of Israel's foreign policy, focused on protecting its vital interests. Since the creation of the Israeli state, the central foreign policy doctrines have been researched. The main aspects of Israel's relations and interests with the region's states (particularly the role of Iran) have been analyzed. Israel's foreign policy is primarily tied to its deeply rooted historical traditions and is based on the principles of realism. Israel's interests and policy in the Caucasus have three main aspects: strategic - a means of encircling Iran, medium-term - the energy supply zone, short-term - a market for the sale of high-tech weapons and ammunition. At the same time, these dimensions pose a challenge for the three traditional regional players - Russia, Turkey and Iran - who are very reluctant to admit extra-regional actors. The novelty of the article lies in consideration of Israel as a new geopolitical actor in the South Caucasus in the triangle of relations between regional and local states, as well as a zone for ensuring Israel's geo-security. The main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific and pedagogical activities in assessing the issues of regional and national security, foreign policy and geopolitics of the South Caucasus.

The sanctions issue is one of the most urgent and acute topics on the international agenda. However, despite huge attention from the academic community, it is sluggishly inscribed in the broader theoretical layer of the science of international relations. In this study, an attempt is made to outline the theoretical and methodological framework for the study of the sanctions agenda from a new angle – from the point of view of the constructivist concept of "normative entrepreneurship". The model proposed by the authors for understanding the promotion of the sanctions initiative in unfriendly countries consists of three fundamental elements: maintaining information noise on sanctions issues, feeding a constant discussion about the effectiveness of sanctions policy and lobbying for individual sanctions initiatives. The team of authors believes that their model, due to its institutional formation, can be extrapolated not only to Russia, but also to China, as well as other countries against which the United States, the EU and their partners are pursuing a sanctions policy.

Политика США на Ближнем Востоке на протяжении десятилетий оказывает серьезное влияние на политическое и экономическое состояние региона. Ближний Восток, в свою очередь, был и остается важным направлением для каждой американской администрации. Действия последних президентов США радикально изменили традиционный американский подход к политике на Ближнем Востоке и, в частности, к палестино-израильскому вопросу более того, эти действия стали импульсом к началу революционных изменений в сложной мозаике ближневосточных противоречий. Ситуация на Ближнем Востоке меняется, выражается это в нормализации отношений между Израилем и такими странами арабского лагеря, как ОАЭ, Бахрейн и Судан. Цель исследования – рассмотреть процесс формирования ближневосточной политики США и подходы к ближневосточной политике различных американских лидеров с целью определения «классического» американского подхода. Для достижения цели необходимо решить следующие задачи: рассмотреть историю американо-израильского сотрудничества и политики США в регионе для определения «традиционных» особенностей американского ближневосточного подхода и подхода к решению палестинской проблемы; изучить некоторые результаты политики американских президентов на ближневосточном направлении и определить, как она вписывается в «классическую» американскую политику. В процессе исследования использованы исторический метод и метод сравнительного анализа. Изменения, произошедшие на Ближнем Востоке за последние 4 года, революционны. Перенос американского посольства в Иерусалим, признание Америкой Голландских высот частью Израиля, заключение мирных соглашений между Израилем и некоторыми арабскими странами на фоне рекордно быстрого израильского строительства на оккупированных палестинских землях – еще вчера все это казалось невозможным, а уже сегодня является неотъемлемой частью реальности на Ближнем Востоке. Наиболее важным трендом остается процесс нормализации отношений между Израилем и арабскими странами.

The article analyzes the role of legal science and education in the formation of the legal culture of the population, taking into account the tasks set by the Foundations of the state cultural policy. It is concluded that jurisprudence plays an important role in the formation of a high level of legal consciousness of the population and its national identity. Intensive legal education and the possibility of obtaining legal knowledge by a wide range of people will help to create a positive image of the state (including in works of art) and strengthen civil self-identity. The destructive activity of "unfriendly countries" can be overcome by strengthening traditional values, which form the basis of the constitutional system of Russia and are embodied in various legal institutions. The developed legal culture of the population will help to avoid socio-psychological dependence on external influence, will become the basis of unity and cohesion of Russian society, the uni cation of the multinational people of the Russian Federation. The authors of the article propose to popularize legal science and law enforcement practice, to promote youth movements in the eld of patriotic education and legal education, to develop the system of legal education by organizing lectures, seminars, round tables, conferences in order to strengthen the spirit of unity, cohesion, friendship of peoples, as well as traditional values in society.

Systematic work with the youth in Russia should focus on trying to make the new generation successful, healthy, professionally oriented, happy, educated and appreciating the history of their country. The analysis of the quantitative and qualitative composition of young people in Russia can make some conclusions about the results of the ongoing concept of work with young people

В статье выявляются специфические характеристики социокультурного пространства региона и ориентиры региональной национальной политики, сформированные с учетом этой специфики. На примере Республики Алтай исследована законодательная база региона в сфере национальной политики, структуры органов власти, отвечающие за реализацию национальной политики в регионе, конкретные векторы их деятельности: поддержка представителей КМНС, сохранение алтайского языка, деятельность по гармонизации межэтнических отношений и противодействию экстремизму в республике, патриотическое воспитание молодежи. Определено, что эти векторы сформированы в условиях специфичного социокультурного пространства региона, характеризующегося его полиэтничностью, республиканским статусом, наличием в этнической структуре региона коренных малочисленных народов, внутренней миграцией, что подтверждает тезис о необходимости учета региональной специфики при формировании национальной политики в нем.