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The paper presents an overview of M. Weber's modelling paradigm assessing it against the opportunities of using the models in modern science of public policy and administration. Two types of research problems requiring modelling of different levels are identified. The paper defines the static and the dialectic methods of modelling, the limits and possibilities of their application are defined. The novelty and relevance of the paper lies in the substantiation of advantages and drawbacks of static modelling and in the proving of the importance of normative character of science, which contradicts the traditional Weber's methodology. In public administration one may not rely only upon formal procedures, forms and rules, because this will not reveal the functions of the State and the interests underlying them. A public administration model must be characterised by normative content. Models of social processes must not necessarily reflect the reality exactly, however, they may serve as a tool for simplifying the mechanisms of social reality and for attempting to understand its mechanisms. Modelling may be static or dialectic. Static modelling is simpler since the number of variables it takes account of is smaller. In certain cases static modelling may be presented or desirable due to value considerations raised by the idealistic world. Idealistic philosophy gives rise to relevant phenomena, which can be neither confirmed nor rejected. Such models may be desirable as the given required by a peculiar belief and as components of the given. As far as social science is a value and "humanitarian" science, to such extent metaphysics, the static given and static modelling may yield results. Philosophical idealism is often presented as a source of political and economic liberalism, or a sign of equality Is placed between them. This is not entirely correct since state and social policy studies in the liberal social sciences are based on formal concepts without any normative content. Liberal sociological definitions designed for a parliamentary-democratic constitutional state usually cover only procedures, forms, rules and state activity instruments, avoiding a definition of the State's functions completely or partially. Not only the functions of the State remain unsubstantiated; possible consequences of manifestation of these functions or the interests of those who defend them or any backstairs interests behind the declared interests arc not explained. The Weberian methodological concept of democracy turns liberal democracy and pluralist theory into a sheer arsenal of technical means, which is unpredictable and incapable of explaining the deep phenomena of public administration and the more so - of social policy. It is not only in the West, but also in Eastern Europe including Lithuania, individual politicians and public administration experts wish to reduce the principle of social welfare to the constitutional and legal level, absolutising the legal aspect. Dialectic modelling is a kind of opposite to static modelling, or modelling that may supplement the latter substantially. And this is not just because it is able to "see the context". Using the dialectic relationship one may examine such historical dichotomies as belief and science, nationality and globalism, central and local government, private and public interest etc. In the most general sense, dialectic modelling is focussed on the determination of the content, form, contradiction between content and form, and finding of the place of this relationship in the world's development process. The methodology of dialectic modelling asserts that the dialectic relationship is a universal means of modelling of qualitative processes and may be used for the modelling of the processes for which sufficient qualitative exceptionality may be determined as compared with the previous qualitative stage. Eastern Europe encounters difficulties in social modelling due to a distinct transformational nature of social systems of these countries as well as due to frequent changes in the laws governing social security and tax policy. The latter factor also poses problems for Eastern European social scientists in processing the material and in modelling socio-economic development on its basis.

The paper presents an overview of M. Weber's modelling paradigm assessing it against the opportunities of using the models in modern science of public policy and administration. Two types of research problems requiring modelling of different levels are identified. The paper defines the static and the dialectic methods of modelling, the limits and possibilities of their application are defined. The novelty and relevance of the paper lies in the substantiation of advantages and drawbacks of static modelling and in the proving of the importance of normative character of science, which contradicts the traditional Weber's methodology. In public administration one may not rely only upon formal procedures, forms and rules, because this will not reveal the functions of the State and the interests underlying them. A public administration model must be characterised by normative content. Models of social processes must not necessarily reflect the reality exactly, however, they may serve as a tool for simplifying the mechanisms of social reality and for attempting to understand its mechanisms. Modelling may be static or dialectic. Static modelling is simpler since the number of variables it takes account of is smaller. In certain cases static modelling may be presented or desirable due to value considerations raised by the idealistic world. Idealistic philosophy gives rise to relevant phenomena, which can be neither confirmed nor rejected. Such models may be desirable as the given required by a peculiar belief and as components of the given. As far as social science is a value and "humanitarian" science, to such extent metaphysics, the static given and static modelling may yield results. Philosophical idealism is often presented as a source of political and economic liberalism, or a sign of equality Is placed between them. This is not entirely correct since state and social policy studies in the liberal social sciences are based on formal concepts without any normative content. Liberal sociological definitions designed for a parliamentary-democratic constitutional state usually cover only procedures, forms, rules and state activity instruments, avoiding a definition of the State's functions completely or partially. Not only the functions of the State remain unsubstantiated; possible consequences of manifestation of these functions or the interests of those who defend them or any backstairs interests behind the declared interests arc not explained. The Weberian methodological concept of democracy turns liberal democracy and pluralist theory into a sheer arsenal of technical means, which is unpredictable and incapable of explaining the deep phenomena of public administration and the more so - of social policy. It is not only in the West, but also in Eastern Europe including Lithuania, individual politicians and public administration experts wish to reduce the principle of social welfare to the constitutional and legal level, absolutising the legal aspect. Dialectic modelling is a kind of opposite to static modelling, or modelling that may supplement the latter substantially. And this is not just because it is able to "see the context". Using the dialectic relationship one may examine such historical dichotomies as belief and science, nationality and globalism, central and local government, private and public interest etc. In the most general sense, dialectic modelling is focussed on the determination of the content, form, contradiction between content and form, and finding of the place of this relationship in the world's development process. The methodology of dialectic modelling asserts that the dialectic relationship is a universal means of modelling of qualitative processes and may be used for the modelling of the processes for which sufficient qualitative exceptionality may be determined as compared with the previous qualitative stage. Eastern Europe encounters difficulties in social modelling due to a distinct transformational nature of social systems of these countries as well as due to frequent changes in the laws governing social security and tax policy. The latter factor also poses problems for Eastern European social scientists in processing the material and in modelling socio-economic development on its basis.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

Some of the most important social and economic objectives, especially within the context of the aftermath of the recent financial crisis in the European Union and Lithuania, are the expansion of popular interest and engagement in scientific and technological developments, closer cooperation between science and business and augmentation of prestige of scientific and research based professions. Scientific communication is a very important tool, one that allows to achieve the aforementioned objectives. This is illustrated by the fact that countries leading in innovation have clear official policies of scientific communication and the society is heavily involved in shaping them. Conversely, countries that lag in innovative activity do not generally have an official policy of scientific communication. Scientific communication, as a phenomenon and a tool, is being researched and discussed within the academic and political discourse, but there is a certain subjectivity in Lithuanian scientific communication policy. The target audience of youth is one of the most important audiences and actions aimed at increasing its interest in scientific endeavours and scientific and research based professions would result in the increase in the number of scientists and researchers, which is one of the most important strategic aims of the European Union. The aim of this study – to analyse the demand and possibilities of scientific communication in professional schools.

Over the last decade, the development of cognitive and behavioural sciences has determined the diffusion of the concept and methodology of behavioural insights into social sciences, including the governance sphere. Behavioural teams worldwide participate in developing and implementing the strategies at various levels of governance organisation. The aim of this study is to investigate the institutionalisation process of behavioural insights into public policy. The study has identified the agentive determinants of the institutionalisation efficiency that include: the competence level of public servants, their motivation level, resistance to change and the nature of feedback. It is argued that the approval level of using behavioural insights by civil servants is a prerequisite for their intrinsic motivation, which has a positive effect on the efficiency of institutionalisation of behavioural insights in public policy. The survey has revealed the most approved directions for using behavioural techniques in public policy in Ukraine.

Over the last decade, the development of cognitive and behavioural sciences has determined the diffusion of the concept and methodology of behavioural insights into social sciences, including the governance sphere. Behavioural teams worldwide participate in developing and implementing the strategies at various levels of governance organisation. The aim of this study is to investigate the institutionalisation process of behavioural insights into public policy. The study has identified the agentive determinants of the institutionalisation efficiency that include: the competence level of public servants, their motivation level, resistance to change and the nature of feedback. It is argued that the approval level of using behavioural insights by civil servants is a prerequisite for their intrinsic motivation, which has a positive effect on the efficiency of institutionalisation of behavioural insights in public policy. The survey has revealed the most approved directions for using behavioural techniques in public policy in Ukraine.

The aim of this work is to indicate reasons that determine the choice of the immigration policy in Lithuania. This is a new approach to this public policy area, because most of the research has analyzed only the nature of migration policy in the country so far. In this Master's thesis the existing nature of immigration policy toward labor immigrants from non-EU countries is chosen as an dependent variable and the reasons that could explain it are sought. The main goal of the work is to indicate the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. To achieve the goal, the following objectives were set: 1) to define how the concept of immigration policy is understood in this work; 2) based on previous research of migration policy, to construct a theoretical model on the basis of which countries like Lithuania should choose a rational immigration policy that corresponds to the country's economic, social and demographic interests; 3) to introduce theoretical approaches to political science that could explain the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the migration policy theories and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania; 4) to formulate the hypotheses based on the theories of political science presented; 5) to confirm or deny the hypotheses based on the information collected during the interviews and the data available in public space. The main question of this study asks why there is a clear discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. As immigration is seen as a part of public policy, public policy analysis approaches were chosen as tools that could help to answer the main question of the study. In addition, considering the fact that many public policy areas in Lithuania are securitized, the interpretation of international relations based on threat analysis was included. Based on the presented theories, three hypotheses were raised: 1) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the unwillingness of politicians to make unpopular decisions that could threaten their further political career (re- election); 2) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the most effective interest group; 3) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by real and fictional security threats. The results of the study confirmed two of the three hypotheses.

The aim of this work is to indicate reasons that determine the choice of the immigration policy in Lithuania. This is a new approach to this public policy area, because most of the research has analyzed only the nature of migration policy in the country so far. In this Master's thesis the existing nature of immigration policy toward labor immigrants from non-EU countries is chosen as an dependent variable and the reasons that could explain it are sought. The main goal of the work is to indicate the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. To achieve the goal, the following objectives were set: 1) to define how the concept of immigration policy is understood in this work; 2) based on previous research of migration policy, to construct a theoretical model on the basis of which countries like Lithuania should choose a rational immigration policy that corresponds to the country's economic, social and demographic interests; 3) to introduce theoretical approaches to political science that could explain the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the migration policy theories and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania; 4) to formulate the hypotheses based on the theories of political science presented; 5) to confirm or deny the hypotheses based on the information collected during the interviews and the data available in public space. The main question of this study asks why there is a clear discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. As immigration is seen as a part of public policy, public policy analysis approaches were chosen as tools that could help to answer the main question of the study. In addition, considering the fact that many public policy areas in Lithuania are securitized, the interpretation of international relations based on threat analysis was included. Based on the presented theories, three hypotheses were raised: 1) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the unwillingness of politicians to make unpopular decisions that could threaten their further political career (re- election); 2) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the most effective interest group; 3) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by real and fictional security threats. The results of the study confirmed two of the three hypotheses.

The aim of this work is to indicate reasons that determine the choice of the immigration policy in Lithuania. This is a new approach to this public policy area, because most of the research has analyzed only the nature of migration policy in the country so far. In this Master's thesis the existing nature of immigration policy toward labor immigrants from non-EU countries is chosen as an dependent variable and the reasons that could explain it are sought. The main goal of the work is to indicate the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. To achieve the goal, the following objectives were set: 1) to define how the concept of immigration policy is understood in this work; 2) based on previous research of migration policy, to construct a theoretical model on the basis of which countries like Lithuania should choose a rational immigration policy that corresponds to the country's economic, social and demographic interests; 3) to introduce theoretical approaches to political science that could explain the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the migration policy theories and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania; 4) to formulate the hypotheses based on the theories of political science presented; 5) to confirm or deny the hypotheses based on the information collected during the interviews and the data available in public space. The main question of this study asks why there is a clear discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. As immigration is seen as a part of public policy, public policy analysis approaches were chosen as tools that could help to answer the main question of the study. In addition, considering the fact that many public policy areas in Lithuania are securitized, the interpretation of international relations based on threat analysis was included. Based on the presented theories, three hypotheses were raised: 1) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the unwillingness of politicians to make unpopular decisions that could threaten their further political career (re- election); 2) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the most effective interest group; 3) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by real and fictional security threats. The results of the study confirmed two of the three hypotheses.

The aim of this work is to indicate reasons that determine the choice of the immigration policy in Lithuania. This is a new approach to this public policy area, because most of the research has analyzed only the nature of migration policy in the country so far. In this Master's thesis the existing nature of immigration policy toward labor immigrants from non-EU countries is chosen as an dependent variable and the reasons that could explain it are sought. The main goal of the work is to indicate the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. To achieve the goal, the following objectives were set: 1) to define how the concept of immigration policy is understood in this work; 2) based on previous research of migration policy, to construct a theoretical model on the basis of which countries like Lithuania should choose a rational immigration policy that corresponds to the country's economic, social and demographic interests; 3) to introduce theoretical approaches to political science that could explain the reasons which determine the discrepancy between the migration policy theories and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania; 4) to formulate the hypotheses based on the theories of political science presented; 5) to confirm or deny the hypotheses based on the information collected during the interviews and the data available in public space. The main question of this study asks why there is a clear discrepancy between the policy, proposed by migration analysts and economists, and the actual immigration policy in Lithuania today. As immigration is seen as a part of public policy, public policy analysis approaches were chosen as tools that could help to answer the main question of the study. In addition, considering the fact that many public policy areas in Lithuania are securitized, the interpretation of international relations based on threat analysis was included. Based on the presented theories, three hypotheses were raised: 1) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the unwillingness of politicians to make unpopular decisions that could threaten their further political career (re- election); 2) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by the most effective interest group; 3) The nature of immigration policy in Lithuania is determined by real and fictional security threats. The results of the study confirmed two of the three hypotheses.

On the macro level, the ethics infrastructure is reinforced by business/professional ethics scientific research centres, national and international associations or business ethics professional networks, national institutes of ombudsmen. With regard to the implementation of ethics infrastructure in the academic realm of Lithuania, it is observable that the available data of monitoring display a symptomatic situation, providing evidence of obvious resistance to these processes. Both the institutions of higher education and academic community at large lack managerial understanding of issues of gender equality. To some extent, it may also be explained by the fact of methodologically incorrect comprehension of the introduction of ethics infrastructure elements regarding the issues of male and female equality. These methods of social engineering are widely used in management and are nowadays (depending on the occurrence of practical application of knowledge of social science) applicable to ensure all social changes on both meso and macro levels. In order to be successful, GEP is presumed to be integrated into the improvement of SEI management system. Otherwise, it may cause deterioration of the performance quality of any actions, impairing the dynamics of desired changes, and respective complications in reaching outstanding goals. Furthermore, the realisation of GEP is expected to use some elements of the ethics infrastructure such as ethics codes, ethics commissions, social auditing, hot lines, etc., partly created in universities. Such elements promote monitoring and assessment procedures and help creating and managing mechanisms and orders, which are favourable per se for the development of male and female equal opportunities. Therefore, the application of the integrity model to the realm of academia can directly contribute to gender equality and equal opportunities in Lithuanian SEI.

On the macro level, the ethics infrastructure is reinforced by business/professional ethics scientific research centres, national and international associations or business ethics professional networks, national institutes of ombudsmen. With regard to the implementation of ethics infrastructure in the academic realm of Lithuania, it is observable that the available data of monitoring display a symptomatic situation, providing evidence of obvious resistance to these processes. Both the institutions of higher education and academic community at large lack managerial understanding of issues of gender equality. To some extent, it may also be explained by the fact of methodologically incorrect comprehension of the introduction of ethics infrastructure elements regarding the issues of male and female equality. These methods of social engineering are widely used in management and are nowadays (depending on the occurrence of practical application of knowledge of social science) applicable to ensure all social changes on both meso and macro levels. In order to be successful, GEP is presumed to be integrated into the improvement of SEI management system. Otherwise, it may cause deterioration of the performance quality of any actions, impairing the dynamics of desired changes, and respective complications in reaching outstanding goals. Furthermore, the realisation of GEP is expected to use some elements of the ethics infrastructure such as ethics codes, ethics commissions, social auditing, hot lines, etc., partly created in universities. Such elements promote monitoring and assessment procedures and help creating and managing mechanisms and orders, which are favourable per se for the development of male and female equal opportunities. Therefore, the application of the integrity model to the realm of academia can directly contribute to gender equality and equal opportunities in Lithuanian SEI.

In the article contradictions in the policy of education towards the pre-school education and child-care are revealed. Ministry of Education and Science, which is responsible for policy of education, including policy of development of pre-school education, underestimates the importance of social functions of pre-school education. Legal acts on the pre-school education do not take into accont the function of fully-day care for children which allows their parents (and especially - single parent) to reconcile family and work obligations.

In the article contradictions in the policy of education towards the pre-school education and child-care are revealed. Ministry of Education and Science, which is responsible for policy of education, including policy of development of pre-school education, underestimates the importance of social functions of pre-school education. Legal acts on the pre-school education do not take into accont the function of fully-day care for children which allows their parents (and especially - single parent) to reconcile family and work obligations.