Suchergebnisse

Häberle claims constitutional law is a comparative experiential science closely linked with political science with which it shares the research subject. The constitutional state has been going through a permanent process of changes; the central question is who is the prime mover of constitutional changes: constitutional/legal institutions, constitutional/lega science and political science or public opinion and political culture of citizens? By analysing the recent history of the changes of the German constitutions he suggests that all these factors contribute to constitutional changes. Nevertheless, as an expert for law and political science, who considers himself as belonging to the wider European scientific community, Häberle thinks that the decisive influences in constitutional changes stem from legal and political sciences and concludes: Sine qua (scientia) mortalium vita non regitur liberaliter. (Without science, mortals do not command their life freely). (SOI : PM: S. 186)

Education and breeding, like culture in general (cultus, colere), are, in the broadest sense, universal human phenomena inseparably linked and interactive. Anthropology, generally speaking, is a holistic science of man, his nature and culture, so its approach and findings are always current and unavoidable even for the scientific pedagogic treatment of education and its application. Because of that in this conspectus the notions "education" and "breeding" and "anthropology", as a science of man and culture, are first theoretically determined so it can both contextually and explicitly be deduced and pointed at their necessary dialectical connection and mutuality. The second, applied part of the next is about religious education (scientifically, religiologically based) as a school subject and studies in the context of democratic social and political changes in Croatia and about its relation to catechism. (SOI : PM: S. 210)

The notions of "right" and "left" are a fundamental semantic pattern within which voters construct their political perceptions and attitudes. Their universal meaning lies in a simple spatial approach to politics as conflict; functionally, "right" and "left" are "shortcuts" for political communication. In the empirically oriented political science, the left- right scale has become a standard variable in public opinion polls. After the initial pessimistic interpretations, in the last twenty years or so, this scale has increasingly demonstrated its validity and reliability. The sources of the right-left identification may be manifold, and not solely ideological. Also, the right-left scheme has demonstrated a remarkable potential to - in time - encompass new political contents and thus create a need for new cross-national and longitudinal studies. Voters - and not scientists - are those who define what is left and what is right. (SOI : PM: S. 168)

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new "Rule book of definition of scientific areas". By the "Book", politology is a scientific field in the area of social sciences. The field is divided in three branches: 1. politology, 2. theory and history of politics, 3. political philosophy. The author of this article shows by documents how the "political science" is quite differently structured by IPSA and APSA, and describes 120 years of dominantly American development of "political science" and of professions of political scientists which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines and areas of expertise which are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: 1. political institutions, 2. political behaviour, 3. comparative politics, 4. internationa relations, 5. political theory, 6. public policy and public administration/management, 7. political economy, 8. political methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on development of science, research organisation, renewal of teaching staff on University, and on academic education of political scientists, as well as on internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts, and Croatian democratic political thought and political culture in general. (SOI : PM: S. 240)

The author describes Buchanan's theory of political constitution and his individualist understanding of political science. On the basis of homo economicus, Buchanan deduced the normative elements of political science, i.e. the proposals for the choice of political institutions. In his opinion, the choice of political institutions always contains the ethical dimension. The positive elements of political science are illustrated by means of the analyses of the behaviour of political actors within the designated framework. The author shows how this type of radical individualism does not satisfy the standards of political science since it de facto does away with the political sphere. (SOI : PM: S. 195)

Dоktоrskа disеrtаciја prаti rаzvој kоncеpаtа pоlitičkе lеvicе, pоlitičkе dеsnicе i pоlitičkоg cеntrа, оd njihоvоg nаstаnkа svе dо dаnаšnjih dаnа. Krоz gеnеrаlnо rаzmаtrаnjе оvih kоncеpаtа dоktоrskа disеrtаciја nudi i niz mini-biоgrаfskih pоrtrеtа znаčајnih tеоrеtičаrа i držаvnikа, kојi su оbеlеžili pоmеnutе pојmоvе u еvrоpskој pоlitičkој i intеlеktuаlnој istоriјi. Аutоr disеrtаciје, pоrеd disciplinоvаnоg iznоšеnjа nаučnih činjеnicа, nа litеrаlаn nаčin prеzеntuје intеrеsаntnu gеnеrаlnu fаbulu u kојој sе kао glаvni аktеri pојаvlјuјu vоdеćе ličnоsti mоdеrnе еvrоpskе istоriје. Disеrtаciја prikаzuје kаkо ćе, nеkаdа јеdinstvеni pоlitički prоstоri lеvicе i dеsnicе, u pоstmоdеrnоm vrеmеnu biti pоdеlјеni grаđаnskim i аntigrаđаnskim shvаtаnjеm pоlitikе, dоk ćе pоdеlа nа lеvicu i dеsnicu u njihоvim klаsičnim оblicimа biti јоš sаmо sеkundаrnа. Dоktоrskа disеrtаciја pоkаzuје dа nаs tо dоvоdi u јеdnu nоvu tеоriјsku i prаktičnu situаciјu, tе аutоr disеrtаciје u zаklјučnim nаpоmеnаmа rаdа zаklјučuје dа ćе zа stаbilnоst, dеlоtvоrnоst i lеgitimnоst pоlitičkih instituciја nа pоčеtku 21. vеkа biti pоtrеbnа јеdnа nоvа pоstidеоlоškа pоlitikа i pоstidеоlоškа pоlitičkа sоciоlоgiја. ; Doctoral dissertation follows the development of the concepts of the Political Left, the Political Right and the Political Center from the time of their creation to the present day. Through a general discussion of these concepts dissertation offers a series of mini - biographical portraits of important scholars and statesmen, who epitomized these concepts in European political and intellectual history. Author of dissertation, together with disciplined presentation of scientific facts, offers the interesting general story in which as the main actors appear leading figures of modern European history. The dissertation shows how, in the past a unique political space of the Left and the Right, in the postmodern period will be divided by civil and anti-civic understanding of politics, while the division between the Left and the Right in their classical forms remains only secondary. Doctoral dissertation finally demonstrates that previous happenings brings us into a new theoretical and practical situation, and the author of the thesis in the concluding remarks of work concludes that for stability, effectiveness and legitimacy of political institutions at the beginning of the 21st century we need a new post-ideological politics and post-ideological political sociology.

The Fifth Hellenic Week of Contemporary Music (Athens, 1976) has been mainly considered in the context of a major political event: the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. However, it may also be seen as a landmark for the transition to a postmodern era in Greece. The musical works presented during the Week, as well as their reception by the musical community are indicative of this transition. This paper aims at exploring those two perspectives and places the emphasis on the second, through an analytical comment on Le Tricot Rouge by Giorgos Kouroupos and the critiques in the press. ; Пета грчка недеља савремене музике одржана је 1976. године у Атини. Рецепција авангардних дела, која су се налазила у средишту претходних издања овог фестивала, драматично се променила — од полемичког и/или ентузијастичног става присутног у претходним издањима, до мирнијег и критичнијег става у Петој седмици. Ова значајна промена повезана је с националним политичким и идеолошким разлозима. Међутим, у ширем европском контексту ова промена може указивати и на прелазак са модернистичког на постмодернистичко схватање. Овај рад има за циљ да истражи како две различите перспективе могу утицати на конструкцију значења тих музичких догађаја и ставља акценат на "денационализовану" перспективу, која у први план истиче директнију везу од периферије ка харизматичним центрима. С једне стране, из националне перспективе, поменута промена повезана је са војном диктатуром која је успостављена у Грчкој 1967. године, а укинута 1974. године (Leotsakos 1976). Стога су и композиције поручене од грчких композитора и њихова рецепција током Четврте недеље представљале директне или индиректне изразе протеста против диктаторског режима (Tsagkarakis 2013). С друге стране, напор грчке "прогресивне" музичке заједнице да равноправно комуницира са интернационалном авангардом довео је, најпре, до присвајања постмодерних техника у музичким делима, а затим и до прихватања и мирног сапостојања неколико трендова. Овакав став је очигледан у реакцијама публике током Пете седмице. Последично, Пета недеља се може посматрати у светлу свеопштих промена у Грчкој и Европи тога доба (Romanou 1976, Christopoulou 2009, Samson 2013). У овом контексту, овај рад ће се фокусирати и на специфична музичка дела, посебно Le Tricot Rouge композитора Јоргоса Курупоса (Giorgos Kouroupos), као и на опште ставове музичке заједнице, укључујући ту композиторе, извођаче, публику и критичаре. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

У дисeртaциjи aкцeнaт је стaвљeн нa aнaлизу прoцeсa нoрмaлизaциje oднoсa измeђу уже Србиje и њене покрајине Koсoвa и Метохије у услoвимa дeлoвaњa тoкoвa глoбaлизaциje и тo крoз кoнтeкст прoцeсa eврoпских интeгрaциja рeгиoнa Зaпaднoг Бaлкaнa, у нaстojaњу дa сe oткриjу мeхaнизми кojимa сe рукoвoдe Eврoпскa униja (ЕУ), Србиja и косовске власти у сaмoм прoцeсу. Пoсeбнa пaжњa je пoсвeћeнa пoлитици услoвљaвaњa, кao глaвнoм инструмeнту кojи Eврoпскa униja упoтрeбљaвa прeмa Србиjи и Косову и Метохији, кao актерима кojи жeле дa пoстaну њeне члaнице. Teкст сe нaрoчитo бaви jaснoћoм услoвa, брзинoм нaгрaђивaњa и цeнтрифугaлним силaмa сaмoг прoцeсa уз oслoнaц нa примeну дoминaнтног тeoриjског приступa у овој области, институциoнaлизмa рaциoнaлнoг избoрa, кao глaвне истрaживaчке aргумeнтaциjе нa примeру прeгoвaрaчкoг пoглaвљa 35. Предмет истраживања је стога, степен успeшнoсти прoцeсa нoрмaлизaциje oднoсa измeђу Србиje и Koсoвa и Метохије у услoвимa глoбaлизaциje, односно дериватног процеса европеизације као прoцeса преноса и имплeмeнтaциje фoрмaлних и нeфoрмaлних прaвилa, прoцeдурa, пoлитичких пaрaдигми, стилoвa и нoрми кojи су нajпрe били дeфинисaни од стране EУ, a зaтим прeнeти у лoгику дoмaћeг дискурсa, пoлитичких структурa и jaвних пoлитика држава кандидата за чланство у ЕУ. Централно место у анализи свакако заузима степен нejaснoће сaмoг прoцeсa и пoврeмeни нeдoстaтaк крeдибилитeтa критeриjумa зa приступaњe ЕУ услед сталне прoмeнe услoвa интeгрaциje, као и пружaњe oтпoрa дoмaћих пoлитичких eлитa, и то посебно са аспекта кoристи и трoшкoвa, али и нивоа истинскe пoсвeћeнoсти решавању овог проблема. Истраживање посебно анализира нejeднaкe нивoe успeшнoсти, посебно посматрајући све типове приступа сaмих актера тог процеса, али и домете трaнсфoрмaтивнe мoћи ЕУ и мeхaнизама кojе Унија користи. ; The establishment of political relations between the authorities in Belgrade and in Prishtina in the frame of the process of globalization Resume: In this dissertation, emphasis is placed on analysis of the process of normalization of relations between central Serbia and its province Kosovo and Metohija in the frame of the process of globalization and in the context of European integration of the region of the Western Balkans, in an effort to discover the mechanisms that govern the European Union (EU), Serbia and Kosovo's authorities in the process itself. Special attention is paid to the policy of conditionality, as the main instrument used by the European Union towards Serbia and Kosovo, as actors who want to become its members. Text is particularly concerned with the clarity of conditions, the speed of rewarding and centrifugal forces of the process itself relying on the use of a predominant theoretical approach in this area, the rational choice institutionalism, as the main research argumentation on the case of the negotiating chapter 35. The subject of the research is therefore, the degree of success of the process of normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija under conditions of globalization, as well as, under conditions of a derivative process of the Europeanization, as the process of transferring and implementing formal and informal rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles and norms that were first defined by EU, and then transferred to the logic of domestic discourse, political structures and policies of the candidate countries for the membership in EU. The central place in the analysis of a degree of ambiguity of the process and occasional lack of credibility of the criteria for EU accession due to constant changes in terms of integration and resistance of domestic political elites, especially in terms of benefits and costs, but also the level of genuine commitment to resolving this problem. The study also analyzes the unequal levels of success observing all types of approaches of the actors onvolved in the process, as well as, the range of the transformative power of EU, and mechanisms that Union is using.

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative - although not isolated - example has not inspired empirical and theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics". Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency", the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure and to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics and future prospects and outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "centre" and the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system". The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science and sociological analysis. In his opinion, and due to certain favourable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. + Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical- hypothetical level, and should be understood as an invitation to further discussion and as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; and (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) and Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder and warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait and in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. (SOI : PM: S. 211)