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Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

Ilus. Tab. Bib. Sum. (En) ; Secondary forests developing on agricultural land after it is abandoned, or as the fallow period in systems of subsistence agriculture, are an increasingly important component of the forest resources of the tropics. They fix and store carbon and may contribute to the alleviation of global warming, they are refuges for biodiversity in agricultural landscapes, and they are low-cost sources of a tremendous variety of forest products. The final years of the 20th century represent an opportune time to bring together researchers concerned with biological, ecological, social/organizational, financial/economic and political aspects of secondary forests and their management, to share their experiences and opinions concerning secondary tropical forests and to contribute to the development of a forward-looking, cross-disciplinary research agenda. The conference had the following objectives: 1) to summarize the state of knowledge of tropical secondary forests from the standpoint of the ecological, social and political sciences. 2) to report the most recent results of research on secondary forests from all relevant disciplines.

L'article se penche sur la "participation" des populations à la régulation des techno-sciences et des techno-produits qui arrivent sur les marchés et affectent les modes de vie, l'environnement ou la santé. Une double thèse y est développée. La première conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir aux moyens de défendre et protéger celles et ceux qui interrogent les pratiques techno-industrielles (quant à la sécurité des systèmes mis en oeuvre par exemple) ou qui questionnent les certitudes académiques (lorsque celles-ci légifèrent trop vite sur des questions en jeu dans l'espace public). La deuxième thèse propose de placer la question de la participation dans des perspectives politiques et économiques plus vastes, en lien aux univers des marchés et de la politique professionnelle. Une conclusion majeure est que la participation est toujours invoquée formellement mais qu'on tend en pratique à réduire son usage aux cas exceptionnels où la bataille publique fait rage et ne peut être évitée ; dans les autres cas, on la contourne en la remplaçant par exemple par l'éthique instituée en comités – comités fermés mais censés "représenter la Société Civile", capables d'agir vite et, s'ils sont bien choisis, dans la bonne direction. On passe ainsi d'une régulation par la loi et le droit d'une part, des procédures participatives ouvertes de l'autre, à des formes de régulation fermées et ad hoc permettant la mise rapide sur le marché de nouvelles technologies. ; The article focuses on the "participation" of the populations in the regulation of techno-sciences and techno-products that get to the market and affect the way of life, the environment or health. In this case, a double thesis is developed. The first leads to the need to reflect on the means of defending and protecting those who challenge techno-industrial practices (for example, regarding the safety of the implemented systems) or those who question academic certainty (when these legislate very fast on issues at play in the public sphere). The second thesis proposes to place the issue of participation in wider political and economic perspectives, in relation to the market and professional politics. In the end, it is realized that participation is always formally invoked, but, in actual fact, the trend is to reduce participation to exceptional cases where the public struggle is violent and cannot be avoided; and in other cases it is sidestepped or forgotten, being substituted by ethics instituted in committees – closed committees, but supposedly "representing Civil Society", able to move rapidly and, if well chosen, in the right direction. Thus, going from one regulation by the law and by rights, onone side, and participative processes, on the other, to closed and ad hoc forms of regulation allowing for the fast introduction of new technologies in the markets.

The STS movement, which emerged in embryonic in the middle of last century and made over the decades, remains relevant to the society we live in. Thus, it is recurrent the need for a participation of this society in the direction given to the scientific and technological activity, demanding more democratic decisions. In this sense the research is based on the questionings: what is the characterization of educational practices carried out in STS field in Basic Education and in teacher training?; And, as has been the participation of society in scientific and technological development? As objectives, we seek: (i) identify which subjects have participated in decision-making on scientific and technological development, and how; (ii) analyze data referrals in respect of educational practices STS; (iii) to investigate whether the STS assumptions are advancing the Academy to implement educational practices; (iv) to point out horizons for Science Education in the perspective of curricular settings guided by the constitution of a culture of participation. It is a bibliographical research whose methodology was the Discursive Textual Analysis, composed of unitarization, categorization and communication. The corpus of analysis emerged four categories: 1) Limitations practices STS implemented; 2) Methodological aspects of practicas STS; 3) Social participation in the development of ST in classrooms; 4) Justifications for insertion of STS practices.

O direito de liberdade[1] à informação jornalística foi objeto de proteção específica pela nossa Constituição, que, no parágrafo lº, do artigo 220, vedou expressamente qualquer atividade que possa constituir obstáculo ou embaraço ao fluxo informativo. Nesse sentido, o mens constitutionem é clara e incontroversa ao estipular vedação, quer ao Poder Executivo, quer ao Legislativo, para edição de atos ou desempenho de atividades que obstaculizem ou, de alguma forma, embaracem a livre informação jornalística. Na verdade, a informação jornalística foi alçada a um patamar singular de proteção por razões bastante palpáveis. É que a informação jornalística constitui veículo da opinião pública livre. Esta, de sua vez, garantia institucional da democracia e do pluralismo político, indicados, pelo artigo 1º, caput e inciso V, da Constituição Federal, como, respectivamente, essência e fundamento da República Brasileira. O direito de informação jornalística, tal qual os demais direitos fundamentais, não é absoluto. Antes, é limitável, encontrando na existência e na observância dos demais direitos constitucionais as fronteiras demarcatórias da sua extensão. Em diversas situações, o exercício de um direito fundamental pode implicar a ofensa de outro, ou outros direitos, de igual ou diferente natureza. Essas hipóteses, concretizadas amiúde na fenomenilização dos preceitos constitucionais fundamentais, albergam diferentes soluções. Muitas vezes, por exemplo, a própria Constituição se preocupa com a compatibilização dos dois ou mais institutos envolvidos. Por um lado, por exemplo, prescreve o direito fundamental à propriedade privada. De outro, institucionaliza a desapropriação. Contudo, compatibiliza a aparente assincronia, disciplinando a prévia e justa indenização. Em outras ocasiões, o constituinte outorga ao legislador ordinário a faculdade de integrar em eficácia institutos constitucionais, ou ainda faculta a edição de diploma de eficácia de suas normas. São as chamadas normas constitucionais de eficácia restrita e de ...

Today, Europe is living a new decisive time as it has been in its past after World War II, in search of unity in diversity in the name of a peace project to safeguard future. If, on the one hand, Europe expresses aspirations for profound changes in its external environment, in the domestic context, it ends up colliding with aspects linked to sovereignty and human rights; on the other hand, in European foreign policy, the model reveals the search to legitimize its action. Precisely, the objective and the motivation of this study seek, through the qualitative methodology in Political Science, to analyse and understand the current context of the European Union in the international system. In fact, it is identified that this new hierarchy of powers, in the reaffirmation of the Westphalian system, where economic power comes, is bound to consolidate the democratic development between the old and new times of international relations in the destiny of Europe. From the results obtained during the analysis, in order to face again the unpredictability of the world scenario, it is a reality that Europe must promote the re-encounter of an alternative role, in other words, to assume its initial project of European edification in the name of equality of circumstances and rights of its affirmation in the global arena.

Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.

The IV International Workshop on Oil and Gas Depletion, that is held at Gulbenkian Foundation in Lisbon on the 19th and 20th May, 2005, is the fourth annual meeting promoted by ASPO, the Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas, with the organizing support of Geophysics Centre of Évora. Previous meetings were held at the University of Uppsala in 2002, Institut Français du Pétrole, Paris in 2003, and Bundesanstatt fur Geowissenschaften und Roshtoffe, Berlin in 2004. In this fourth annual edition, the core topics chosen for our works are: • Reality in Oil Exporting Countries: The Supply Limits • Impacts of Depletion in Oil Importing Countries: The Demand Pressure • How-Much Regular Oil and Non-Conventional Oil: Utopia versus Reality • The Case for Political Action: The Depletion Protocol • The World Past Peak Oil Age From Uppsala to Lisbon, the public perception of the serious threat impending on humankind as a result of the growing scarcity of fossil fuels has increased. And national and international authorities have slowly but perceptibly admitted and changed their discourse on the problematic availability of the energy required to run the world economy. But political consequences have not yet been addressed straightforwardly – when political action is ever increasingly urgent for putting in place the economical and social changes and technological infrastructure required for preserving wellbeing if not survival itself. For this reason, in this fourth edition of ASPO's annual meetings we called upon members of the political community to share their views on how political action might be taken at the required international level. As the starting point of this debate we have the Depletion Protocol - first proposed by Colin Campbell 10 years ago at a conference in London. It has surfaced in various guises since, named the Uppsala Protocol in 2002, on the occasion of the First International ASPO's Workshop, later also referred to as the Rimini Protocol. The organizers of this Workshop welcome all participants and thank all speakers who kindly accepted to contribute to this event and those participants who also offered their contributions. They thank Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and Partex – Oil and Gas, for generously hosting this event and offering the valuable sponsorship which makes it possible. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Geophysics Centre of Évora and University of Évora who, along the past few months, has worked in preparation of the conditions to hold this event now and who, together with the staff of Gulbenkian Foundation, are making it through. The Organizing Committee May 2005

We live in a world where we are experiencing an increasing number of environmental disasters,social injustice, corporate scandals, and questionable leadership ethics. The issue I would liketo address in this article is how we, as educators and researchers, might respond to or engageproactively with these issues. One approach is encouraging our students to become more reflexive, and to become more reflexive ourselves as researchers. I believe that reflexivity is becoming an increasingly important resource in organization studies. Defined as questioning taken-for-granted assumptions, practices, policies, and so on, reflexivity offers a way of developing more critical and responsible approaches to our intellectual strategies and to practical activities within the academic and corporate world. I will begin by summarizing some of the criticisms of business school education and the challenges we face as researchers and go on to define and discuss how reflexivity can help us engage with these criticisms in a productive manner. ; Vivemos em um mundo onde estamos experimentando um número crescente de desastres ambientais, injustiça social, escândalos corporativos e lideranças com ética questionável. A questão que eu gostaria de abordar neste artigo é como nós podemos responder ou nos envolver proativamente com essas questões como educadores e pesquisadores. Uma abordagem é incentivar nossos alunos a se tornarem mais reflexivos como pesquisadores. Acredito que a reflexividade está se tornando um recurso cada vez mais importante nos Estudos Organizacionais. Definida como o questionamento de pressupostos, práticas, políticas etc., a reflexividade fornece uma forma alternativa de desenvolver abordagens mais críticas e responsáveis para nossas estratégias intelectuais e atividades práticas dentro do mundo acadêmico e corporativo. Começarei apresentando de maneira sucinta algumas das críticas à educação promovida por escolas de negócios e os desafios que enfrentamos como pesquisadores, e continuarei definindo e discutindo como a reflexividade pode nos ajudar a nosenvolvermos com essas críticas de modo produtivo.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women's access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods: For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results: The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion: Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

This work analyzes the Agenda 2030 in its main potentiality to lead public policies and private actions towards a more sustainable path. At the same time it acknowledges its dependency on measurements and finance mechanisms for the Sustainable Development Goals implementation. The main argument is that public expectations face difficulties to be translated in public actions, due to, among other factors, the lack of measurement and finance mechanisms. With this purpose it starts describing what is the Agenda 2030, and how this United Nations lead international declaration is structured to be monitored and implemented by States and others multi stakeholders. Secondly it analyses the importance of the measurements to address critical social environmental challenges and to allow comparison between the achievements of each member state. Third it remarks the role-played by international financial institutions, by international investment and by the private sector in general. Forth, the article highlights the drawbacks the methodology of goals can represent when used to overcome collective challenges marked by moral issues and diffuse impacts, being highly dependent on measurements and finance tools. The methodology chosen was the descriptive and normative, the techniques used were documentary, legislative and bibliographic research.

Based on an analysis of the television style, this study explores the presence of power and oppression relationships in scenes taken from the soap operas Renascer (1993) and O Rei do Gado (1996). The objective is to discover how these relationships can offer the audience a visual experience of the land and its cultural matrix. We conclude that there are different approaches in both soap operas: while in Renascer the deal with the Devil reveals a blend of the origins of "mandonismo" and marvelous realism, in O Rei do Gado negotiations between farmers and landless reveal land policies, the personification of power, and the unfinished nature of agrarian reform. ; Baseado na análise do estilo televisivo, este artigo explora a figuração das relações de poder e de subjugação em cenas extraídas das telenovelas Renascer (1993) e O Rei do Gado (1996). A meta é investigar como tais materialidades oferecem ao público uma experiência visual da terra e a matriz cultural que a subjaz. Concluímos que há um deslocamento na abordagem: enquanto em Renascer o pacto com diabo revela a imbricação das matrizes do mandonismo e do realismo maravilhoso, em O Rei do Gado a negociação entre fazendeiro e sem-terra revela a política fundiária, a personificação do poder e a incompletude da reforma agrária.

Os modelos de pertença social mudaram radicalmente nas últimas décadas, pelo impacto que a mobilização tecnológica da época tem na vida dos indivíduos e das sociedades. ; Models of social belonging have altered radically over recent decades, due to the impact of technological mobilisation on the lives of individuals and societies.

Os modelos de pertença social mudaram radicalmente nas últimas décadas, pelo impacto que a mobilização tecnológica da época tem na vida dos indivíduos e das sociedades. ; Models of social belonging have altered radically over recent decades, due to the impact of technological mobilisation on the lives of individuals and societies.