Suchergebnisse

Chapter Introduction -- chapter 1 New generation and subjectivities -- chapter 2 The emergence of an actor -- chapter 3 Personalized expressions of activism -- chapter 4 Professionalization of activists -- chapter 5 Activists' self-organization of the Euromaidan protests, 2013-2014 -- chapter 6 Conclusion.

by Sing Ming. ; Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1987. ; Bibliography: leaves 161-171.

Scholarly interest in student political behavior has grown markedly in recent years. Among those who have done research and written on Latin American students a good deal of effort has gone into attempts to develop some generalizations about bases of student activism. A major objective of these efforts has been to try and explain why students become politically active and what differentiates the politically active from the inactive students. Several hypotheses have been advanced in this research attempting to explain high degrees of student political involvement by relating it to factors in the students' backgrounds or environment. Some of the hypotheses which stand out in the literature have been selected for analysis here. They will be examined in relation to data gathered during recent research on university students in Guatemala.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Elsevier via the DOI in this record ; This paper analyzes the effect that the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark decision on Citizens United vs. FEC had on corporate political activism. The decision opened the door for corporate treasuries to engage in independent political spending. Politically connected firms have lower announcement returns at the ruling than non-connected firms. The estimates suggest that the value of a political connection decreases by $6.9 million. To evaluate the effect of Citizens United on corporate political activism, we explore the fact that Citizens United also lifts bans on independent political spending in states where such bans existed. After the ruling, firms headquartered in states where bans are lifted have fewer state-level connections relative to firms in other states. Overall, our evidence supports the hypothesis that independent political spending crowds out political connections. We do not find any significant crowding-out effects of independent political expenditures on lobbying activity, executive contributions, and political action committees (PAC) contributions. ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology-FCT

The German Democratic Republic was long noted for its apparent stability, efficiency and political quiescence, in contrast to the more turbulent domestic histories of neighbouring Poland and Czechoslovakia. In established narratives of East German history, the sole evidence of mass popular unrest before the autumn of 1989 was the June Uprising of 1953. After this, with a few isolated exceptions, East Germans simply kept their heads down. 'Dissent' was for the most part an activity associated with a few intellectuals–Harich, Havemann, Bahro–until the growth of oppositional movements associated with unofficial peace initiatives and environmentalist groups in the 1980s1. To all outward appearances, this sketch was correct. What now requires reconsideration, however, are the underlying reasons for these appearances, and the evaluation – indeed, the very characterisation – of patterns of popular political dissent in the GDR.

The article attempts to understand the relationship between Muslim religious scholars and the government in Singapore and argues that it has worsened since the city-state became independent in 1965. It explores the declining religious influence of the ulama by assessing their role and contribution to the enactment of the 1966 Muslim Personal Law which governs several aspects of Muslim life in Singapore and the 1998 amendment of the earlier law. It seeks to understand various contributory factors for this waning influence, namely the ulama's role in increased religiosity amongst Muslims in Singapore, the government's changing attitude towards Islam, and the evolving perceptions amongst some ulama about their role and influence within Singapore's Muslim community. It will also show how the ulama have tried to reclaim their religious influence.

The article attempts to understand the relationship between Muslim religious scholars and the government in Singapore and argues that it has worsened since the city-state became independent in 1965. It explores the declining religious influence of the ulama by assessing their role and contribution to the enactment of the 1966 Muslim Personal Law which governs several aspects of Muslim life in Singapore and the 1998 amendment of the earlier law. It seeks to understand various contributory factors for this waning influence, namely the ulama's role in increased religiosity amongst Muslims in Singapore, the government's changing attitude towards Islam, and the evolving perceptions amongst some ulama about their role and influence within Singapore's Muslim community. It will also show how the ulama have tried to reclaim their religious influence.

This paper uses the data collected by the empirical research of personalized religiosity and political activism, as well as the secondary data analysis of European Value Study - EVS. Personalized religiosity is defined through the following aspects: the belief in a divine being / spirit / life force; inner spirituality; interest in the sacred / supernatural; finding solace in faith; prayer and / or meditation. In operational terms, political activism consists of five variables: sign petitions and join boycotts, participate in legal demonstrations, join unofficial strikes, occupy business facilities or factories. The aim of the paper is to investigate the relationship between a so-called personalized. secular religiosity and political activism as a form of political participation among Serbian citizens. Using regression analysis, we found that personalized religiosity is a positive but not statistically significant predictor of political activism.