Gender and activism: women's voices in political debate
In: Yearbook of women's history 35
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In: Yearbook of women's history 35
In: WRR Rapporten
The increased tensions surrounding radical Muslims and radical movements in the political Islam are not only manifested in the Western countries but also in the Muslim world itself. Tendencies and political movements that undermine the status quo have proliferated since the 1970s. They plead for a far-reaching islamization: funding politics, law and society on Islamic foundations. This study of the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) analyses the developments in Islamic beliefs, political activism, society and law since the 1970s. To what extent has islamization been successful? What are its consequences for attempts in and outside the Muslim world to come to extend democratization and respect for human rights? And what can the Netherlands and the European Union contribute to support developments towards democratization and human rights? This study is, among others, based on "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">extensive research of experts on the change of Islamic thinking and to the dynamics of law in twelve different Muslim countries. This is the Dutch language edition! This study is also available in English "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism - De toegenomen spanningen rondom radicale moslims en radicale stromingen binnen de politieke islam manifesteren zich niet alleen in het Westen maar vooral ook binnen de moslimwereld zelf. Al sinds de jaren '70 komen stromingen en politieke bewegingen op die zich richten tegen de status quo. Zij pleiten voor vergaande islamisering: het funderen van de politiek, het recht en de samenleving op islamitische grondslagen. Deze studie van de WRR analyseert de ontwikkelingen in het islamitisch denken, het politiek activisme, de samenleving en het recht sinds de jaren zeventig. In hoeverre is er sprake van een succesvolle islamisering? Welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de pogingen binnen en buiten de moslimwereld om te komen tot (verdere) democratisering en meer respect voor mensenrechten? En wat kunnen Nederland en de Europese Unie doen om ontwikkelingen in die richting te bevorderen? De studie baseert zich onder meer op uitvoerige "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=33">empirische studies van deskundigen naar de verandering van het islamitisch denken en naar de rechtsdynamiek in twaalf verschillende moslimlanden. Ook verschenen in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053569184&l=2">Dynamism in islamic activism
"Volunteering and political activism are two key forms of civic engagement. There is a broad consensus that civic engagement, which often involves participation in various forms of collective action, is a cornerstone of a well-functioning democracy. Civic engagement and participation in collective action have traditionally been linked to social movements and voluntary organizations. Collective action is, however, changing as a result of societal- level processes of change, such as digitalization, the emergence of social media, individualization and globalization.
This book investigates how these social changes have affected the ways individuals participate in different forms of collective action. What consequences does digitalization have for civic engagement in Norway? Is the distinction between volunteering and political activism about being wiped out? Are new organizational forms arising as a result of digitalization and individualization? Has globalization led to new forms of transnational networks? And more generally, are the traditional forms of collective action, rooted in civil society organizations, replaced by a new form of ""connective action""? Based on a variety of data sources, including survey data, case studies and in-depth interviews, the authors paint a broad picture of how different forms of collective action and civic engagement in Norway are influenced by processes of social change.
The analyzes in this book are based on a five-year research project within the Center for Research on Civil Society and Voluntary Sector, funded by the Ministry of Culture. The book presents the project's main findings in an edited volume with contributions from an interdisciplinary team of authors." - "Frivillig innsats og politisk aktivisme er to sentrale former for samfunnsengasjement. Det er en bred enighet om at samfunnsengasjement, som ofte innebærer deltakelse i ulike former for kollektiv handling, er en hjørnestein i et velfungerende demokrati. Samfunnsengasjement og deltakelse i kollektiv handling har tradisjonelt vært knyttet til sosiale bevegelser og frivillige organisasjoner. Kollektive handlingsformer er imidlertid i endring som en følge av endringsprosesser på samfunnsnivå, som digitalisering, fremvekst av sosiale medier, individualisering og globalisering.
Denne boken undersøker hvordan disse samfunnsendringene har påvirket måten individene deltar i ulike former for kollektiv handling på. Hvilke konsekvenser har digitalisering for samfunnsengasjement i Norge? Er skillet mellom frivillighet og politisk aktivisme i ferd med å bli visket ut? Oppstår det nye organisasjonsformer som følge av digitalisering og individualisering? Har globalisering ført til nye former for transnasjonale nettverk? Og mer generelt, blir de tradisjonelle former for kollektiv handling, forankret i sivilsamfunns organisasjoner, erstattet av en ny form for «konnektiv handling»? Basert på en rekke datakilder, inkludert surveydata, casestudier og dybde intervjuer, maler forfatterne et bredt bilde av hvordan ulike former for kollektiv handling og samfunnsengasjement i Norge påvirkes av samfunnsendringsprosesser.
Analysene i denne boken bygger på et femårig forskningsprosjekt innenfor Sentret for forskning på sivilsamfunn og frivillig sektor, finansiert av Kulturdepartementet. Boken presenterer prosjektets hovedfunn i en redigert bok med bidrag fra et tverrfaglig team av forfattere."
In: Tijdschrift over cultuur & criminaliteit, S. 34-50
ISSN: 2211-9507
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 421-445
ISSN: 0486-4700
This study reports the results of qualitative interviews with 28 extreme right wing activists in Flanders (Belgium). We focus on the (ideological) motives for activism (why did they become active?) & the trajectory followed in becoming active (how did they become active?). The results show that these activists are primarily motivated by ethnic nationalism. All other ideological stands (e.g., rejection of foreigners, authoritarian attitudes & rejection of actual politics in Belgium) seem to be derived from this core of ethnic nationalism. The trajectory followed is primarily one that relates to socialization & continuity: most interviewees grew up in a family in which nationalism was of primordial importance. A minority of respondents, however, followed trajectories that refer to compliance or to conversion (deprivation). Adapted from the source document.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 16, Heft 3, S. 305-354
ISSN: 0001-6810
PO surveys from 1979 to 1981 are analyzed to assess changing Dutch attitudes on foreign & defense policies & the influence of pressure group activism, particularly that of the peace movement. Despite difficulties in data interpretation, findings indicate a greater change in intensity than in content of such attitudes; while there is quasi-unanimity to maintain NATO membership & balance of power, the majority of Rs want no new nuclear arms probably due to the peace movement, & wish to remove existing ones from Dutch territory & cease nuclear activity in the Dutch armed forces. Potential political gains by parties espousing these goals, particularly the Dutch Labor Party, are predicted. Contradictions in the available data are noted, however, & the necessity of more detailed research is emphasized. 35 Tables. Modified HA.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 199-220
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 29-45
ISSN: 0486-4700
Changes in the post-WWII organization & structure of the Belgian political party system are discussed, focusing on the emergence of the welfare state. The prevalent trend of subcontracting social services to private firms, under the general direction of the sponsoring parties, is noted. The linguistic fractionalization of the major parties, the dynamics among the Catholic majority concentrated in Flanders, the socialist opposition centered chiefly in Wallonia, & the "balance" liberal parties are examined. Shifts in party identification & function, eg, toward clientelism & a dominant role in public policy formulation, are detailed, along with the role of TV in disseminating party propaganda. The declining role of party volunteers & grassroots activism is also discussed. Modified HA.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 8, Heft 4, S. 370-516
ISSN: 0001-6810
A DOCUMENTARY RECORD OF A SERIES OF CONFLICTS CONCERNING POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE U OF AMSTERDAM IS PRESENTED. ON 20 DEC 1972 THE COUNCIL OF THE DEPT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE (IN WHICH STAFF & STUDENTS ARE REPRESENTED) ADOPTED A NEW SYSTEM OF INTERDISCIPLINARY GROUPS WITHIN THE DEPT. THIS DECISION WAS THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE FOR THE PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, H. DAUDT, & 5 STAFF MEMBERS TO SUSPEND THEIR TEACHING ACTIVITIES. THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE U & THE U COUNCIL BECAME INVOLVED IN THIS ISSUE. ORDERED TO RESUME THEIR TEACHING ACTIVITIES, THESE CIVIL SERVANTS APPEALED TO THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURT. THE DOCUMENTS PRESENTED CONSIST OF OFFICIAL LETTERS, STATEMENTS, RULINGS, & EXTRACTS FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE PUBLIC BODIES THAT DEALT WITH THE MATTER. THE CONFLICT, WHICH STANDS UNRESOLVED AT THE TIME OF PUBLICATION, CAN BE SEEN AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF MORE OVERALL DEBATE ABOUT THE POSITION OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE DUTCH U'S & STUDENT ACTIVISM. HA.
How have smart phones and social media changed life for young people today? Why do we get irritated when boys are in trouble, but worried when girls are? How do Muslim youth really feel about being called a 'goddamned terrorist'?YOUTH reveals what it's like to be a young person in today's world. We gain new empirical information on life within the context of family, school, and sports. We are invited to drinking parties where sexual boundaries are tested. We also tag along with a group of guys on a hunting trip where the shotgun shells are high gauge. And: Is it true that rates of anxiety and depression have increased? Or that gender identity has become so fluid that more and more young people believe they are neither 'girl' nor 'boy'?The book details some distinct trends – a school that disciplines students in new ways, less alcohol consumption and problematic behavior, disinclination toward early sex. We also see a fascinating political activism. It is the young who are on the frontlines of the climate crisis battle.Publication of YOUTH also marks the 30th anniversary of the leading center for youth research in Norway, established at NOVA, the Norwegian Social Research institute at Oslo Metropolitan University.This book will be relevant to researchers, students, teachers and all those who work on behalf of young people from the national to the local level, as well as politicians, journalists and others interested in research-based information about how young people actually live today.Guro Ødegård is a senior researcher and institute leader at OsloMet's Norwegian Social Research institute, NOVA. Willy Pedersen is professor of sociology at the University of and a NOVA affiliate.; Hvordan har smarttelefonen og sosiale medier endret livet til dagens unge? Hvorfor irriterer vi oss over gutter som lager trøbbel for andre, mens vi bekymrer oss for jenter som sliter? Hvordan oppleves det egentlig for muslimske ungdommer å bli kalt «jævla terrorist»?UNGDOMMEN bretter ut livet til dagens unge. Vi får ny empirisk kunnskap om livet i familien, i skolen og i idretten. Vi blir med inn på fuktige fester hvor seksuelle grenser presses. Men vi blir også med en gjeng gutter på jakt, hvor haglpatronene skal være av grovt kaliber. Dessuten: Stemmer det at forekomsten av angst og depresjon har økt? Eller at kjønnskategoriene flyter, at stadig flere opplever at de hverken er «gutt» eller «jente»?Boken viser noen tydelige tendenser – en skole som disiplinerer elevene på nye måter, mindre alkohol og problematferd, tilbakeholdenhet med tidlig sex. Samtidig ser vi et fascinerende politisk opprør. Det er ungdom som viser vei i klimakampen.UNGDOMMEN markerer at det er 30 år siden det ledende ungdomsforskningsmiljøet i Norge, som befinner seg på NOVA ved OsloMet, ble etablert.Boken henvender seg til forskere, studenter, lærere og alle som arbeider med ungdom på statlig og lokalt nivå, samt til politikere, journalister og andre som kan ha nytte av forskningsbasert kunnskap om hvordan ungdom faktisk lever i dag.Guro Ødegård er forsker 1 og instituttdirektør ved Velferdsforskningsinstituttet NOVA ved OsloMet. Willy Pedersen er professor i sosiologi ved Universitetet i Oslo og tilknyttet NOVA ved OsloMet.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 7-31
ISSN: 0020-577X
Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.