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International audience ; The end of the 18th century gives birth to new forms of political action: political attempts or attacks. More and more often committed with weapons of massive destruction, as bombs or explosive machines, these attacks not only try to injure or kill human targets, but also to spread fear in public opinion, in order to express minorities' claims, and to influence political debates and decisions by direct activism. This paper claims that revolutionary violence, which has been mainly studied through collective massacres, must be considered in its different aspects: political murders, iconoclasm, material destructions and symbolic rituals are part of a new phenomenon, linked to the French democratic transition, one century before the "official" birth of modern terrorism. ; À la fin du XVIIIe siècle, au gré des révoltes et révolutions, apparaissent de nouvelles formes de l'action politique : les attentats. Souvent perpétrés à l'aide d'armes plus destructrices, ces actes sont également au moins autant destinés à émouvoir l'opinion populaire qu'à salir, blesser ou éliminer des emblèmes politiques, que ceux-ci soient des objets ou des personnes. De la prise de la Bastille (14 juillet 1789) à l'attentat de la rue Saint-Nicaise (24 décembre 1800), en passant par l'explosion du château de Quincey (19 juillet 1789), l'assassinat de Marat (13 juillet 1793), les arrachages des arbres de la liberté, l'iconoclasme de l'an II et les têtes plantées au bout des piques, la transition démocratique qui touche la France entre 1789 à 1800 se caractérise par l'émergence de nouvelles manières d'exercer la violence, à la fois plus dévastatrices et plus symboliques qu'auparavant, et qui, pratiquées par les minorités comme par le pouvoir politique, lègueront au XIXe siècle un répertoire de pratiques contribuant à la naissance du terrorisme contemporain.

International audience The end of the 18th century gives birth to new forms of political action: political attempts or attacks. More and more often committed with weapons of massive destruction, as bombs or explosive machines, these attacks not only try to injure or kill human targets, but also to spread fear in public opinion, in order to express minorities' claims, and to influence political debates and decisions by direct activism. This paper claims that revolutionary violence, which has been mainly studied through collective massacres, must be considered in its different aspects: political murders, iconoclasm, material destructions and symbolic rituals are part of a new phenomenon, linked to the French democratic transition, one century before the "official" birth of modern terrorism. ; À la fin du XVIIIe siècle, au gré des révoltes et révolutions, apparaissent de nouvelles formes de l'action politique : les attentats. Souvent perpétrés à l'aide d'armes plus destructrices, ces actes sont également au moins autant destinés à émouvoir l'opinion populaire qu'à salir, blesser ou éliminer des emblèmes politiques, que ceux-ci soient des objets ou des personnes. De la prise de la Bastille (14 juillet 1789) à l'attentat de la rue Saint-Nicaise (24 décembre 1800), en passant par l'explosion du château de Quincey (19 juillet 1789), l'assassinat de Marat (13 juillet 1793), les arrachages des arbres de la liberté, l'iconoclasme de l'an II et les têtes plantées au bout des piques, la transition démocratique qui touche la France entre 1789 à 1800 se caractérise par l'émergence de nouvelles manières d'exercer la violence, à la fois plus dévastatrices et plus symboliques qu'auparavant, et qui, pratiquées par les minorités comme par le pouvoir politique, lègueront au XIXe siècle un répertoire de pratiques contribuant à la naissance du terrorisme contemporain.

The waves of protest that swept through the Arab world in 2011 and 2012 and the toppling of the Tunisian and Egyptian regimes have focused attention on the opposition to authoritarian regimes. In Jordan, between censorship, repression and election rigging, political activism is limited despite the democratic opening of 1989. The apparent stability of the Jordanian regime is in fact based on complex and changing authoritarian processes that are implemented differently depending on the social and political arena. However, opposition does exist and different ways of protesting have emerged. The experience of the opponents sheds light on conditions concerning political commitments in a repressive regime. A field survey conducted over several years has made it possible to chart the paths of longstanding activists of different leanings: Islamists, nationalists and communists. With the exception of the Islamists, who have always been authorized - if sometimes repressed by the Jordanian monarchy -opposition has shifted from underground movements to a heavily controlled public sphere. These political journeys serve to highlight the general conditions for political activism in a repressive regime, but also the meaning individuals attach to their commitment and their chosen ideologies. ; Les vagues de mobilisations dans le monde arabe en 2011 et 2012 ont remis sur le devant de la scène l'opposition aux régimes autoritaires. En Jordanie, entre censure, répression et falsification des élections, l'activisme politique est limité, malgré l'ouverture démocratique de 1989. La monarchie jordanienne est officiellement une monarchie constitutionnelle avec un parlement élu, mais politiquement c'est un système d'exclusion. L'apparente stabilité du régime jordanien est en fait basée sur de complexes et changeants processus autoritaires qui sont mis en place de manière différenciée selon les arènes politiques et sociales. Pour autant, l'opposition existe et des voies alternatives de contestation ont émergé. Le vécu des opposants ...

In spite of conditions of socio-economic and occupational traits similar to those of young French people belonging to the lower strata, second generation young North Africans display specific political attitudes and behavior. At the same age level and level of instruction, they show more political interest and commitment than their French-stock counterparts and are massively oriented to the left. While attachment to the Muslim religion persists, it is defined above all as a cultural and family heritage and appears weakly linked to politics. The role of French-North African girls is singular : their left-wing radicalization and political activism are even more manifest than those of boys, and they display less attachment to their cultural and family background.

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

Depuis longtemps, les sciences sociales nord-américaines s'interrogent sur la dimension politique de l'activité des professionnels du droit alors qu'en Europe continentale, les rapports entre droit et politique n'ont été analysés conjointement que très récemment et de façon marginale. L'un des enjeux actuels des travaux nord-américains est de transposer les conclusions éprouvées aux Etats-Unis dans d'autres contextes juridiques et politiques, ce qui questionne l'universalisation et la globalisation de ces analyses. Après avoir exposé les raisons qui expliquent l'intérêt ancien des sciences sociales face à la question du politique aux Etats-Unis, cet article propose de réfléchir aux conditions et enjeux de l'importation de ces travaux en Europe continentale, en portant une attention particulière aux rapports historiques – et spécifiques à chaque contexte national – entre droit, pouvoir politique et sciences sociales. ; Peer reviewed

Résumé : Dans un contexte marqué par le poids de la tradition et de la religion, telle la société marocaine, peut-on parler de l'émergence d'un individualisme de type Durkheimien, un individualisme conçu comme étant une capacité d'autonomie et de réflexivité qui amène l'individu à imaginer un nouveau type de lien social ? Comment dès lors la valorisation de la construction des identités originales et personnelles ne risque-t-elle de conduire à un individualisme égoïste et à une indifférence aux appartenances et solidarités collectives ? Peut-on parler, dès lors, d'un effondrement du capital social, d'une perte de cohésion sociale, voire d'une disparition du sentiment d'appartenance à la société dans le milieu des personnes sensibles aux valeurs autonomes ? Comment les clivages entre les valeurs hétéronomes et autonomes se matérialisent-elles dans l'arène politique ? C'est à ces questionnements et à bien d'autres, que ce travail essaie de porter, empiriquement, quelques éléments de réponse. Ce travail qui a porté sur un échantillon représentatif de 1300 enquêtés, dans deux écologies différentes (Rabat-Salé et la province de Boulemane), a été mené dans le cadre d'une approche quantitative qui a été appliquée à la partie empirique. Abstract: In a context marked by the weight of tradition and religion, such as Moroccan society, can we speak of the emergence of an individualism of the Durkheimian type, an individualism conceived as being a capacity for autonomy and reflexivity which lead the individual to imagine a new type of social bond? How then does the enhancement of the construction of original and personal identities not run the risk of leading to selfish individualism and indifference to collective membership and solidarity? Can we therefore speak of a collapse of social capital, a loss of social cohesion, or even a disappearance of the feeling of belonging to society among people sensitive to autonomous values? How do the divides between heteronomous and autonomous values materialize in the political arena? ...

International audience ; Jean-Marc Rouillan is one of the founding members of Action directe (1977–1987). In this interview, he talks about the connection between his musical practices and his political activism since the May 1968 events in France, the role of music and sound in the armed struggle of Action directe, and the place he attributes to music in the history of political struggles. ; Jean-Marc Rouillan est l'un des membres fondateurs d'Action directe (1977-1987). Dans cet entretien, il parle des liens entre sa pratique musicale et l'expérience sensible de son engagement politique depuis 1968, du rôle de la musique et du son dans la lutte armée d'Action directe, ainsi que de la place qu'il attribue à la musique dans la mémoire des luttes politiques.

International audience ; Environmental activism has seized spaces for spontaneous action, experimenting with other ways of inhabiting territories, resisting political and/or economic imperatives. Current research on the role of digital tools in citizen mobilisations is controversially fuelling the notion that the Internet and digital social networks are a new arena allowing the margins to reinvest the centres, giving visibility to actions and discourses under-represented in traditional media. The "Save Roșia Montană" mobilisation is the longest protest since the return of democracy in Romania, against the Canadian multinational Gabriel Resources and its plan to build Europe's largest open-pit gold mine, which would involve razing part of the village to the ground and using cyanide to extract the metals. Digital tools have played a key role in facilitating a change of scale from the margins to the global coordination of a multitude of targeted local protests and the mobilisation of Canadian activists to take their demands to the multinational's headquarters in Toronto. ; El activismo ambiental ha tomado espacios para la acción espontánea, experimentando otras formas de habitar los territorios, resistiendo a los mandatos políticos y/o a los imperativos económicos. Lo que alimenta la controvertida idea de que Internet y las redes sociales digitales son un nuevo ruedo que permite a los márgenes reinvertir los centros, dando visibilidad a acciones y discursos poco representados en los medios tradicionales. La movilización "Salvemos Roșia Montană" es el movimiento de protesta más largo desde el retorno de la democracia en Rumanía, contra la multinacional canadiense Gabriel Resources y su plan de construir la mayor mina de oro a cielo abierto de Europa, lo que implicaría arrasar parte del pueblo y utilizar cianuro para extraer los metales. Las herramientas digitales han desempeñado un papel clave para facilitar los cambios de escala desde los márgenes hasta la coordinación global de una multitud de protestas locales ...

One of the most crucial questions posed by German social history after the Second World War is probably the radicalisation process that led the German elites to consent to, participate in and even inspire Nazi politics. ; International audience ; One of the most crucial questions posed by German social history after the Second World War is probably the radicalisation process that led the German elites to consent to, participate in and even inspire Nazi politics. ; L'une des questions les plus cruciales posée par l'histoire sociale allemande après la seconde guerre mondiale est sans doute celle du processus de radicalisation ayant conduit les élites allemandes à consentir à la politique nazie, à y participer, voire à l'inspirer.

This work represents an analysis of ideological positions in solidary economy. It attempts to answer the following question : Could the solidary economy resolve the crisis of modern societies ? To answer, we tried to establish the ideological consistency of the solidary economy since his birth in the 19th century. A solidary and associative imaginary was born at this time in the first cooperatives. It disappeared during a century before being revived firstly in the alternative economy and secondly in the solidary economy. After having studied contemporary forms of this imaginary in a second part, we show in a third part that this ideological coherence is pervaded by oppositions which divide associations according to four topics of argumentation. Because these associations have not found adequate compromises between these argumentative topics, the hope that the solidary economy might help solving the modern crisis remains moderate. ; Ce travail consiste en une analyse des positions idéologiques dans l'économie solidaire en France. Il vise à répondre à la question suivante : l'économie solidaire est-elle susceptible de résorber la crise des sociétés contemporaines ? Pour répondre nous avons d'abord entrepris de déterminer la cohérence idéologique de l'économie solidaire depuis sa naissance au 19e S. Un imaginaire "associatif et solidaire" naît alors au sein des premières coopératives. Il s'est effacé ensuite pour renaître sous la dénomination d'économie alternative puis sous celle d'économie solidaire. Après avoir étudié dans une seconde partie les formes contemporaines de cet imaginaire, nous montrons dans une 3e partie que cette cohérence idéologique est percluse d'oppositions qui répartissent les associations sous 4 topiques opposées. Parce que les associations n'ont pas encore trouvé de compromis entre ces topiques argumentaires, l'espoir que représente l'économie solidaire face à la crise doit être modéré.

The purpose of this research is to verify the thesis of threat, within the framework of a comparison between the Swiss cantons. This work tries to demonstrate the existence of a parallelism between an uneven distribution of incomes and a greater potentiel of social control. The results of this research support this hypothesis. It also undelines the part in this model of the variables « syndical mobilisation » and « participation to unconvention- nel events of political activism ». Furthermore, the Swiss elite under a structural threat seems to react in the same was as the elite of other countries does : they try to preserve their advantages by reinforcing the system of control.

The fate of Belgian Islam does not differ fundamentally from that in other European countries and fundamentalist dynamics appear to be all the less important in the light of the highly integrative context. However, such dynamics are developing and have a relative success, not least because of their organisational capacities. They value different ways of being Muslim: pietiste, an integrator of socio-political awareness, moraliser and rigorist, political activism and even armed activism. Radical militant forms are developing relatively marginally and episodic, although there are some important islands to report. ; Le devenir de l'islam belge ne diffère pas fondamentalement de celui en cours dans les autres pays européens et les dynamiques fondamentalistes apparaissent y avoir à priori d'autant moins de place que le contexte apparaît fortement intégrateur. De telles dynamiques se développent pourtant et ont un relatif succès, notamment en raison de leurs capacités organisationnelles. Elles valorisent diverses manières d'être musulman : piétiste, intégrateur de conscientisation sociopolitique, moralisateur et rigoriste, de militantisme politique voire même armé. Les formes militantes radicales se développent de manière relativement marginale et épisodique, bien que quelques îlots importants soient à signaler.