Suchergebnisse

Nata a Pistoia nel 1880 e morta a Genova nel 1971, Leda Rafanelli abbraccia giovanissima l'ideale anarchico; durante un suo breve soggiorno ad Alessandria d'Egitto, incontra e si innamora di Luigi Polli, il pubblicista fiorentino – in seguito suo primo marito – che la introdurrà alla locale colonia anarchica italiana della Baracca Rossa. Subito dopo la Rafanelli si converte al sufismo – conversione rappresentativa della sua ribellione ai miti colonialisti e capitalisti dell'Occidente. Con il secondo compagno, Giuseppe Monanni, dirigerà la Casa Editrice Sociale, punto di riferimento per la cultura italiana dissenziente durante gli anni della dittatura fascista, ma anche del secondo dopoguerra. Solo ultimamente tornata ad essere criticamente valutata ed apprezzata, in Memorie di una chiromante (che ha visto la pubblicazione nel 2010, per i tipi di Nerosubianco, grazie al lavoro di Milva Cappellini e di Fiamma Chessa) Leda Rafanelli ci propone una comunità di donne raccontata da una donna, dove la vita quotidiana è contemporaneamente luogo privato e spazio dove esprimersi anche politicamente. Romanzo della maturità e della vecchiaia, Memorie di una Chiromante è una pedagogica metautobiografia in cui la scrittura di sé – ed in modo particolare quella femminile – diventa atto politico per eccellenza. ; Leda Rafanelli (1880 - 1971) was a political activist, a poet and a novelist, a scholar of Arabic languages, and an individualist anarchist. She converted to Sufism at a very early age, while she was travelling in Egypt, where she met Luigi Polli, a comrade who introduced her to the Italian anarchist circles in Alexandria; later he became her first husband and co-publisher. Although many individualist anarchists would side in favor of World War I as interventionists, Leda stated her pacifist ideas throughout her long life. She wrote tirelessly, from political pamphlets to children stories, from anti- colonialist novels to biographies and auto-biographies. With Giuseppe Monanni, her second partner, she founded the influential publishing house Casa Editrice Sociale, active from 1907 to 1935. Memorie di una chiromante (The memories of a fortune teller) was published in 2010 thanks to the research conducted by Milva Cappellini and Fiamma Chessa, the director and keeper of the Archive Famiglia Berneri – Aurelio Chessa in Reggio Emilia. Written when Leda had reached her maturity, it is a collective meta-autobiography and an invaluable handbook to practice existence as a political act through the methodology of self narration – which, especially in the case of women's autobiography, becomes quintessentially political.

Italian actors are a weakly protected and chronically crumbled category: after decades of inertia the pandemic pushed to a cohesive mobilization of the performers, which stood and fought openly in defense of their rights. In the following months, many actors have revived the debate, mostly online, and through social media. They made calls and petitions, requesting economic aid and a regulatory framework to protect their rights. The most active organization is U.N.I.T.A. (Unione Nazionale Interpreti Teatro e Audiovisivo), an association founded during the most critical times of the pandemic, led by Vittoria Puccini and other well-known Italian actors. U.N.I.T.A.'s public statements primarily dealt with the problems related to the pandemic crisis to get, nowadays, to more complex (and rather old) issues related to the qualification and recognition of the actor's professional role: rights of publicity in the new mediascape (for instance, streaming performances), the urgency of a guarantee fund, gender equality, the establishment of a professional register. In light of the above, the aim of the paper is firstly to reconstruct these actors' collective stance-taking initiatives and the ways in which they were organized and promoted. Secondly, the contribution will analyze how this network activity has increased the professional recognition and relevance of the actor in the Italian media production field. Reflecting on the activity of networking, the analysis will consider how a traditionally fragmented category is now developing a consciousness of its role as a political intermediary and cultural endorser, also in the context of school education.

(English version below) Il progetto ERC ARTIVISM si concentra su varie forme d'arte utilizzate dagli attivisti per formulare rivendicazioni politiche. Da una prospettiva multisensoriale in città molto diverse, sparse su tre continenti (Douala e Yaoundé in Camerun, Los Angeles negli Stati Uniti d'America, Genova e Viareggio in Italia e Nizza e Marsiglia in Francia) vengono esplorate la creatività e la performance come forme sovversive di espressione politica Applicando un approccio diretto all'evento piuttosto di una prospettiva centrata sul gruppo, il team del progetto ERC ARTIVISM ha elaborato specifici metodi di apprendimento, field-crossing e antropologia audiovisiva (riprese video, disegni). I primi risultati mostrano come l'ascesa della speculazione, della turistificazione e del city-marketing siano gli obiettivi scelti dagli attivisti che organizzano performance politiche carnevalesche, veri e propri carnevali indipendenti in un contesto di securrizzazione, controllo e censura. The ERC ARTIVISM project focuses on various art forms used by activists in order to formulate political claims. From a multisensory perspective, creativity and performance as subversive forms of political expression are researched in super-diverse cities on three continents (Douala and Yaoundé in Cameroon, Los Angeles in the United States of America, Genova and Viareggio in Italy and Nice and Marseille in France). Applying the event approach instead of a group-centred perspective, the team has elaborated on methods of apprenticeship, field-crossing (Salzbrunn 2011) and audio-visual anthropology (filming, drawing). Preliminary results indicate the growing importance of speculation, touristification and city-marketing as targets chosen by activists who organise independent carnival and carnivalesque political performances in a context of securisation, control and censorship.

The discourse of political activism makes use in many cases of an intertextual rereading of historical events for purposes of discussion. This is the case of the action of the Zentrum für Politische Schönheit Erster Europäischer Mauerfall, which took place in Berlin in 2014. The action evokes the Berlin Wall and its fall in a prototypical way to project its political discourse on all the walls currently present in the world and on the consequences of their existence for some political minorities. This contribution, remaining within the theoretical horizon of digital multimodality, intends to focus on the pragmatic and linguistic strategies recurring in this action, identifying the different plans for constructing the discourse and the numerous visual linguistics conflicts essential to the communication of contents. ; The discourse of political activism makes use in many cases of an intertextual rereading of historical events for purposes of discussion. This is the case of the action of the Zentrum für Politische Schönheit Erster Europäischer Mauerfall, which took place in Berlin in 2014. The action evokes the Berlin Wall and its fall in a prototypical way to project its political discourse on all the walls currently present in the world and on the consequences of their existence for some political minorities. This contribution, remaining within the theoretical horizon of digital multimodality, intends to focus on the pragmatic and linguistic strategies recurring in this action, identifying the different plans for constructing the discourse and the numerous visual linguistics conflicts essential to the communication of contents.

The book addresses the theme of youth climate activism building on the experience of FridaysForFuture activists and analyzing both their social representations of climate change and their social media usage practices. It accounts for the results of a qualitative research carried out with(in) the Roman group of the movement, adopting a solidarity-based epistemic stance that invites reflections both on activism and research practices.
Drawing upon social representations theory, the authors analyze how the "Fridays" perceive climate change: as a socio-ecological crisis that comes from afar and has repercussions on the future, as something that affects everything and everyone; but also, as a generational problem whose environmental, social, and economic costs will be paid mainly by young people. On the other hand, guided by the literature on digital activism, the authors explore the way in which the activists inhabit social media: as constitutive environments of activism, where political and media practices define each other; but also, as environments that belong to young people and are characterized by age-specific communication styles.
The two experiences related to climate change and the political usages of social media influence each other, giving rise to an unprecedented youth movement for the climate that can tell us about the transformations currently undergoing digital, environmental, and youth activism.

In 1964 American writer and philosopher Susan Sontag wrote a prescient essay entitled Against Interpretation, while in 1969, Italian art critic and feminist Carla Lonzi published Autoritratto, a book-montage consisting of a series of conversations tape-recorded with fourteen artists between 1965 and 1969. Rejecting the authority of interpretation in favour of "an erotic of art", these texts radically renowned the traditional art historical discourse introducing the notions of desire, participation and intimacy at the core of art history and political activism. The essay focuses on these issues and discusses Sontag and Lonzi's poignant legacy investigating how they resonate within contemporary culture and society as well as their ongoing influence on art criticism and theory. ; Peer reviewed

During the last decade, a growing number of disciplines dealing with innovation processes focused started to investigate the phenomenon of wireless community networks (WCN). These networks, now consolidated on a global level, represent an infrastructure that is entirely built and self-managed by citizens voluntarily cooperating to create a new model of digital communication other than the Internet and commercial services offered on the market by Internet Service Providers (ISP). WCN, therefore, represent an emblematic case to explore not only the technical aspects of more and more pervasive technologies within contemporary society, but also to focus on relations between social, political and techno-scientific dimensions supporting innovation practices. In fact, most recent experiences of WCN acquired a central role in redefining participation practices and political activism linked to digital media, and its forms of innovation. This paper, on the basis of data collected through a qualitative research on the origin and development of the main RWC in Italy, throws light upon the way in which community networks represent a peculiar form of social innovation, where a system of individuals – beyond traditional innovation and development institutions and on the basis of political values and beliefs – cooperate to originate a new infrastructure managing to endorse participation and social inclusion in the digital society. In doing this, the paper emphasizes the procedural dimension of social innovation as an emerging practice in the active cooperation among human beings and technologies, during which political visions, technical tools and social participation have an impact on each other and transform themselves.

In the organization of the recent presidential elections in Somaliland, the implementation of specific political techniques (namely the registration of voters by means of digital fingerprint and facial recordings) took on very distinctive meanings, guaranteeing the international community involved in the process and local political actors of the "free and fair" character of the electoral competition and assuring a complete transition from a political system based on the "government of the community" to one based on western style democratic institutions (a multi-party presidential system). The reality however proved to be not that simple: the registration of voters actually caused conflicts or ignited those already existing, contributing to extend the long and hazardous period of preparation to the polls. In the process, the relationships between "technique" and "politics" appeared far more complex than expected: political techniques determine a space of interaction which eventually produces the assimilation of local political practices to the dominant forms of political organization, specific cultures of voting and a specific electoral body. Technique here operates as a form of self-legitimization which promises neutrality in order to have conformity. The article situates itself in contemporary debates on political development in post-conflict societies but it also reminds how artificial is the opposition between clan or tribal politics and western style democratic politics, generally seen as one of the most specific features of politics in Africa, in particular in Somali history. In reality, a continuous negotiation between corporate and collective forms of participation and activism on the one side and individual expression of vote on the other represents a typical feature shared by the two systems. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution investigates practices, imaginaries and representations delivered by The House of Women Lucha y Siesta, a women's shelter and political collective located in Rome. Based on an in-depth interview with three activists of the House, the contribution explores their perceptions and experiences concerning three thematic areas: the construction of narrative and communication strategies and their dissemination across social networking platforms; the choice of languages and aesthetics and their relationship with the collective imaginary; the role of digital platforms in processes of political participation.

This contribution investigates practices, imaginaries and representations delivered by The House of Women Lucha y Siesta, a women's shelter and political collective located in Rome. Based on an in-depth interview with three activists of the House, the contribution explores their perceptions and experiences concerning three thematic areas: the construction of narrative and communication strategies and their dissemination across social networking platforms; the choice of languages and aesthetics and their relationship with the collective imaginary; the role of digital platforms in processes of political participation.

[Italiano]: Questo volume raccoglie i contributi della giornata di studio "Postcolonial Matters. Tra gesti politici e scritture poetiche", ospitata dal Dipartimento di Scienze Umane e Sociali dell'Università degli studi di Napoli "L'Orientale" il 14 giugno 2012. Quali sono, oggi, le questioni postcoloniali? E perché il postcoloniale ci importa, ci ri-guarda? Gli autori e le autrici delle scritture qui presentate si confrontano con queste domande a partire da una serie di pratiche materiali (teoria, editoria, a ivismo, ricerca, arte) da essi stessi agite ed esperite. Con contributi di: Francesco Camagni, Alessandra Cianelli, Anna Curcio, Lidia Curti, Beatrice Ferrara, Bülent Küçük & Ceren Özselçuk, Annalisa Piccirillo & Viola Sarnelli, Gabriele Proglio, Nirmal Puwar, Ashwani Sharma & Sanjay Sharma ./[English]: The essays in this volume stem from the workshop "Postcolonial Matters. Between political gestures and poetical writings", hosted at the Department of Social and Human Sciences of the Università degli studi di Napoli "L'Orientale" on the 14th June 2012. Why does the postcolonial "matter" to the contemporary? What is our concern with the postcolonial today? All contributions reflect on these questions from a very situated standpoint, expanding on a concrete, localised practice (critical theory, editorial practice, political activism, art making, research) with a global relevance. With essays by: Francesco Camagni, Alessandra Cianelli, Anna Curcio, Lidia Curti, Beatrice Ferrara, Bülent Küçük & Ceren Özselçuk, Annalisa Piccirillo & Viola Sarnelli, Gabriele Proglio, Nirmal Puwar, Ashwani Sharma & Sanjay Sharma.

The term activism usually refers to an activity aimed to produce some change at political and/or social level. An activist translation consists therefore in the practice which, through the means of translation, has this precise objective. If on the one hand the tool of translation can help reaching the objective, on the other the very selection of the texts chosen for the translation can also imply a precise ideal audience in the mind of the translator. The translation of a text can therefore help produce cultural change, which has now come to be identified as the performative aspect of activist translation. The present contribution focuses on one particular document published in 2017 in Scotland concerning the introduction of the LGBT+ history in the national educational curriculum to help fight gender-based discrimination and bullying. ; La pubblicazione è stata finanziata con i fondi del preside della Facoltà di Lingue e Lettere dell'Università di Łódź e del direttore dell'Istituto di Romanistica del medesimo ateneo