Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe paper considers stochastic environmental policy and its effects on the environment, portfolio composition, and economic growth. Capital accumulation causes pollution which is reduced by private green services and public abatement. The government subsidizes green services and taxes dirty capital albeit at a rate which may become random, causing unexpected capital write-offs. Tax jumps depend on natural degradation and environmental activism. We derive how uncertainty and political activism affect the risk premia for investors. We analyze the incentives for firms to increase the greenness of production in order to reduce political uncertainty. Stochastic taxation is shown to act as a substitute for green subsidies when uncertainty decreases in the ratio of green services to capital and agents use their green activities strategically. Tax uncertainty may trigger precautionary savings, causing additional growth and enhanced environmental deterioration.

In the period following the Second Intifada, many Israeli and Palestinian peace activists began to despair of traditional coexistence efforts, turning instead to joint nonviolent political activism against Israeli policies. This mode of joint work came to be known as 'co-resistance'. It would be fair to wonder if such activism might foster joint Israeli–Palestinian efforts towards a shared society, possibly a one-state solution. However, somewhat counter-intuitively, solidarity can sometimes reinforce separation between the two parties in question. This article uses the Solidarity Movement as case study to explore the political role of Israeli co-resistance activists. Using ethnographic methods and drawing upon Albert Memmi's theory of the 'coloniser who refuses', this article illustrates how co-resistance can serve to reinforce and advance separation between Israelis and Palestinians into two distinct national communities.

Existing research explains pro-environmental behavior as being motivated by personal values. In this article I extend this framework to examine not just the choice of whether to engage in pro-environmental behavior but also the choice between different pro-environmental behaviors. I argue that if several different pro-environmental behaviors all express the same personal values, and carry the same material costs, then individuals choose between them on the basis of their expected policy consequences. I report the results of a survey experiment showing that priming individuals to consider instrumental utility will cause over-reporting of some forms of environmental activism—those with the greatest expected policy impact. This prime will have no effect on over-reporting of other forms of activism. I conclude that instrumental utility is an important part of how individuals choose between types of pro-environmental political activism.

Since the emergence of trans-activism in Barcelona (pioneer in the Spanish context) in 1970, identity categories to refer to people who do not identify with the socially-assigned gender identity have experienced a major transformation. In this article, we analyse the evolution of identity categories related to gender diversity from 1978 to 2010 in order to recover the history of trans-activism and explore its specificities with regard to the hegemonic logic in other western countries. In the period analysed, five associations were identified and studied, revealing a trend that predominantly conceives identity categories in a fluid manner, contrary to the main trans-activism in western countries, which reinforced the medical category 'transsexual' in opposition to those of 'homosexual' and 'transvestite'. Moreover, in this period, a profound change can be observed in the political subject (from trans-women working in sex work to middle-class trans-boys), as well as a transformation of alliances: from the rejection of trans-associations by gay and lesbian associations to the subsequent coalition and progressive rapprochement towards feminism.

Political history at its best. This is the story of the hard right in Australia - of how Ray Evans and his boss at Western Mining Corporation, Hugh Morgan, became the pioneers of a new form of right-wing activism whose forceful reshaping of public debates transformed Australian politics. With a calm gaze, forensic detail and a dry wit, Dominic Kelly shows how they did it. Starting in the mid-1980s, Evans set up four small but potent organisations: the H.R. Nicholls Society (industrial relations), the Samuel Griffith Society (constitutional issues), the Lavoisier Group (climate change) and the Bennelong Society (Indigenous affairs). Their aim was to transform public debate on key issues. Morgan and Evans had an energy that bordered on fanaticism. They lobbied politicians and wrote op-eds. They were born intriguers and colourful rhetoricians, with a wide influence that famously included treasurer-to-be Peter Costello. It was Bob Hawke who called the H.R. Nicholls Society 'political troglodytes and economic lunatics'; yet in their dogged pursuit of influence, the hard right made an impact. From successive backdowns on emissions targets to the rejection of the Uluru Statement from the Heart, the efforts of hard right conservatives continues to be felt today - not only on the right but across mainstream public policy. Political Troglodytes and Economic Lunatics is a compelling case study in how some very determined people can change a political culture

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- List of contributors -- Introduction: the fascist allure -- Part I Love and patria -- 1 Love politics: the nation form and the affective life of the state -- 2 The glamour of Ivanka: white supremacy and the question of women's equality in the Trump administration -- 3 The sticky imagery of white feminism -- Part II The cultural policing of borders -- 4 "Your racist ass did too much": hypermasculinity, Donald Trump, and rap music -- 5 Commonplace terror: everyday harassment of Latinx immigrants in Central Florida -- 6 Snakes on the baseball field: unmasking political images of Latinx criminality -- Part III Re/visions: crafting social justice -- 7 Engendering white nationalism -- 8 Craft activism, violence, and memory-making: Jewish Hearts for Pittsburgh -- 9 Reframing the US-Mexico border crisis: prosecutorial and parental rhetoric in the Kamala Harris presidential campaign -- 10 This is how we win: on unruly hope, autocracy, and transgender children -- Index.

A review essay on books by (1) Neil Carter, The Politics of the Environment: Ideas, Activism, Policy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2001); (2) John S. Dryzek, David Downes, Christian Hunold, & David Schlosberg, Green States and Social Movements: Environmentalism in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany and Norway (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2003); (3) Brian Doherty, Ideas and Actions in the Green Movement (London: Routledge, 2002); (4) Matthew Paterson, Understanding Global Environmental Politics: Domination, Accumulation, Resistance (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2001); & (5) Joan Martinez-Alier, The Environmentalism of the Poor: A Study of Ecological Conflict and Valuation (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2002).

The article of record as published may be found at http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2013.866432 ; We know little of the internal governing practices of non-state actors once in control of territory. Some territories have witnessed the establishment of new institutions of public goods remarkably similar to state institutions. This article compares four armed political parties governing territory during the Lebanese civil war. These non-state violent actors established complex political and economic institutions and administrative structures. Despite the wide range of ideologies and identities of these actors, they all converged in their institutional priorities, although not in their capacities or the particular ways of achieving those priorities. Data from interviews and the actions of the armed political parties suggest a combination of ideology and desire for control is causal in generating public institutions, partly attributable to the high degree of citizen activism marking the Lebanese case.

Abstract
Rached Ghannouchi and his Islamic movement Ennahda had received a popular mandate to write a post-revolution constitution for Tunisia. However, Ghannouchi preferred national consensus over using his party's political strength. Ennahda relinquished power in 2014 and announced to abandon religious activism in 2016. The paper explains Ghannouchi's politics of Islam, which he now calls, "Muslim Democracy (Ghannouchi, 2016)," and his thoughts on key modern political concepts. Ghannouchi, instead of a Sharia state, advanced the agenda of Dawla Madniya or Civilian State (Zidan, 2014). Ghannouchi, in his pre-uprising writings, has widely discussed 'state,' 'secularism,' 'democracy,' 'civilization,' and fundamental human rights. Ghannouchi sought national consensus by sharing a common viewpoint for Tunisia's transition from dictatorship to a civilian state. The article analyses Ghannouchi's writings and his opinion on key Islamic issues on which he differs from contemporary Islamic groups of Egypt, Pakistan, Iran, or elsewhere.

This paper aims to present a history of the Portuguese political poster in two key moments of twentieth century Portuguese politics, the moment of the establishment of the 'Estado Novo' (or New State) i.e., Salazar's authoritarian and quasi-fascist dictatorship which ran from 1933- 1974, and the period of the Revolution of April 25 of 1974, which overthrew the previous regime. The two distinct ideologies give rise to two contrasting modes of visual discourse. This is particularly evident in posters made in the two revolutionary moments (1933-1938 and 1974-76). These reveal ruptures in relation to the visual discourses of posters made in the periods before and after these dates. The paper shows how the posters offer a particular kind of lens on the two contrasting revolutionary moments; a way of looking at how the two revolutions attempted to communicate to and connect with the Portuguese people in whose name and one whose behalf—ostensibly in the first case, substantively in the second—the revolutions were undertaken. In terms of the understanding of activism and revolutionary graphics a contribution is made to understanding how revolutions of left and right contrastingly 2 present themselves—and how, through the use of poster, they evoke or extol particular kinds of political subjects and political orders.

Data secured from a sample of 1,530 parishioners representing the total membership of the Protestant Episcopal Church were used to investigate the strength and sources of differing points of view about the proper role of the church in contemporary American political life. Two specific questions dealt with are: (1) What limitations should be imposed on the political activities of the clergy? (2) What are the differences between church members who exhibit a 'permissive' attitude toward such activities and those who oppose them? Results indicate that almost all parishioners are willing for the minister to take some part in political activities. For example, 89% agree that he should urge his parishioners to vote. However, they are not willing that he assume a partisan role. Thus, less than 25% think it proper for the minister to permit candidates to speak in the parish house, and only 9% would approve of the endorsement of specific candidates. A 6 point Guttman scale based on responses to 5 types of ministerial activities was used to rank parishioners along a permissiveness dimension. Further analysis showed that the more permissive members were also more likely to feel that the church should concern itself with social and econ problems, should encourage support of the UN, and in general take a position on practical political issues. Contrary to expectation, however, an attitude of permissiveness toward such clerical activism is not directly but inversely related to the involvement of the individual in the organizational life of the church. The greater the % of the individual's group affiliations which are church-related, the less likely is he to endorse an active political role for the church. The relationship is maintained when sex, age, and educ are controlled and is therefore not a spurious one, though it is more pronounced among women than men, among older rather than younger parishioners, and among those with little educ and little interest or knowledge about public affairs. A clue to the interpretation of such resistance to clerical activism on the part of highly committed parishioners is given by the finding that such persons do approve of close ties between church and family. A close linking between family and church and a weak association between church and political participation are both aspects of a 'traditionalistic orientation toward religion and the church.' K. Geiger.

"This textbook for courses on women and politics thematically integrates two profound historical developments focusing on women's political participation in contemporary public life in the United States. The second wave of women's rights activism has now spanned a half century producing a revolution in women's presence and influence in the public realm of American life. Over the course of this same era, however, a second phenomenon of rising economic inequality has also dramatically changed the American landscape. Burrell's text uniquely examines the effect of the age of inequality on women's advancement toward economic and political equality and in turn how policy initiatives of the women's movement have addressed inequality issues. Students will come to better understand what's at stake in the politics and policy issues from the women's rights movement to the "war on women" debate. Explaining a diverse set of issues and viewpoints, Burrell brings a fresh approach to the engagement of women in the public realm over the past half century. Framing this activism in the great economic divide of the same time period provides a thought-provoking, challenging, and broad thematic approach to this history. The text chronicles the many diverse types of actions women have taken in the contemporary era to achieve gender equity, empowerment, and a greater public voice. Women'"both liberal feminist and conservative'" have run for and been elected to positions of leadership at all levels of government. Women have formed organizations to lobby for equity in employment and education, in the military and to promote reproductive rights. They have engaged in unconventional political activities marching against and protesting the actions and policies of economic corporations and governmental institutions. Women with few economic resources have joined together to challenge local power structures. In addition to efforts to improve the lives and status of women in the United States, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have formed to promote global women's rights. Readers of this text will gain a great appreciation of the multiple political voices of American women and the challenges to continued unequal voices."--Provided by publisher.

A world dominated by America and driven by cheap oil, easy credit, and conspicuous consumption is unraveling before our eyes. In this powerful, deeply humanistic book, Grace Lee Boggs, a legendary figure in the struggle for justice in America, shrewdly assesses the current crisis-political, economical, and environmental-and shows how to create the radical social change we need to confront new realities. A vibrant, inspirational force, Boggs has participated in all of the twentieth century's major social movements-for civil rights, women's rights, workers' rights, and more. She draws from seven

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Preface -- Introduction: Religion in Market Society -- Part I Religions in the New Political Economy -- 1 Entrepreneurial Spirituality and Ecumenical Alterglobalism: Two Religious Responses to Global Neoliberalism -- 2 Making Religion Irrelevant: The 'Resurgent Religion' Narrative and the Critique of Neoliberalism -- 3 The Decline of the Parishes and the Rise of City Churches: The German Evangelical Church in the Age of Neoliberalism -- 4 Catholic Church Civil Society Activism and the Neoliberal Governmental Project of Migrant Integration in Ireland -- 5 Faith, Welfare and the Formation of the Modern American Right -- Part II Political Governance of Religion -- 6 Neoliberalism and the Privatization of Welfare and Religious Organizations in the United States of America -- 7 Multilevel and Pluricentric Network Governance of Religion -- 8 Regulating Religion in a Neoliberal Context: The Transformation of Estonia -- 9 Neoliberalism and Counterterrorism Laws: Impact on Australian Muslim Community Organizations -- 10 From Implicitly Christian to Neoliberal: The Moral Foundations of Canadian Law Exposed by the Case of Prostitution -- 11 Religious Freedom and Neoliberalism: From Harm to Cost-benefit -- Bibliography -- Index.