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魏承思. ; 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. ; 參考文獻 (p. 133-148) ; 中英文摘要. ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Mode of access: World Wide Web. ; Wei Chengsi. ; Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. ; Can kao wen xian (p. 133-148) ; Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下,2006年4月,非政府組織聯合發起運動,反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉,要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法,對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析,為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索,對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 ; 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究,採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架,發現: ; (1)在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色,增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源,並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 ; (2)CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離,正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化,目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 ; (3)中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用,運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會,不斷營造運動發展空間,尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用,成功將運動不斷推進。 ; (4)政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下,政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用,進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 ; 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵,以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷,並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角,在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響,最後提出對非政府組織發展,國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 ; Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. ; This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: ; 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers' overall strength and legitimacy and ...

submitted by Li Jiehui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-126). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Abstract --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Tables and figures --- p.ix ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The research question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- The research method --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- The legal and political scales --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- The adaptation of Page's method in China --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- The utilities of the two scales --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- The research plan --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Central-local relations in China: an overview --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Major reforms in central-local relations --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Provinces under the economic cycle --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The case of Guangdong --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Legal assessment I: China --- p.16 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The general legal framework --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.1 --- Omni-competence --- p.17 ; Chapter 3.1.2 --- Dual subordination --- p.18 ; Chapter 3.1.3 --- The role of the Party --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Legal documents and opportunities --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- National laws --- p.21 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Administrative regulations --- p.22 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Government/Party documents --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2.4 --- Local legislation --- p.27 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Assessing legal localism --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Legal assessment II: Guangdong --- p.30 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Build up a legal framework: 1979-1988 --- p.31 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Recession: 1989-1990 --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Legislation of interests: 1991 -now --- p.34 ; Chapter 4.3.1 --- The case of the regulation for property registration --- p.37 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Development of other provinces: a comparison --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Major findings --- p.43 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Political assessment I: China --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Page's methodology --- p.44 ; Chapter 5.2 --- The ...

自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...

Lee Ying Chuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-110). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Literature Review --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Mapping the Local Sound Scape --- p.29 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Blackbird: A living Song --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Freedom of Art as Freedom of Life --Cultural Discourse as Political Activity --- p.80 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- Concluding Remarks --- p.95 ; Postscript --- p.98 ; Appendix --- p.101 ; References --- p.104

國立西南聯合大學(簡稱「西南聯大」或「聯大」)是與抗戰相始終的大學。它以戰時教育聞名,成立於抗戰初期(1938 年),由國立北京大學、國立清華大學和私立南開大學聯合組成,抗戰結束後三校解散北歸(1946 年),各自復校。日本的入侵和國家的貧弱,聯大師生共有的民族情感,聯大民主自由的人文環境和「雲南王」龍雲對戰時民主力量的保護等因素,合力構成了聯大地下黨統戰工作的發展空間。這一發展空間與重要的歷史事件的時間點(如1941 年1 月「皖南事變」、1945 年8 月「抗戰勝利」和10 月「龍雲下台」)一起,構成了一個國共角逐的時空。 ; 中共中央和南方局對地下黨組織統戰工作的重視和具體指導的時間恰是在聯大成立初期;在聯大中期,為適應局勢,爭取大多數「中間派師生」的支持,中共先後製定了「十六字」方針(即「蔭蔽精幹,長期埋伏,積蓄力量,以待時機」)和「三勤」(即「勤學」、「勤業」、「勤交友」)政策;在聯大後期,中共統戰的方針政策在實踐中得到檢驗,取得成效。 ; 聯大地下黨的統戰工作是中共雲南省工作委員會(簡稱「雲南省工委」)統戰工作的重要組成部分。南方局和雲南省工委統戰工作的重點是介於國共兩黨間的「中間力量」。聯大地下黨統戰的人群以聯大師生為主,他們用知識份子所能接受的語言和交友方式對其做統戰工作,突出中共是眾望所歸的力量。一方面,地下黨人以「民族主義」和「愛國」來把如聯大教授等「中間力量」團結起來,通過組織集會探討時事以引發高級知識份子思考抗戰失利、貪污腐敗、物價飛漲、民不聊生的根源,由此孤立國民黨。另一方面,聯大地下黨人在品學兼優的基礎上,以「中間學生」的姿態出現,為聯大同學辦實事(如解決吃飯難問題),由此贏得了大多數「中間學生」的好感。如果說在雲南民主運動高潮到來前,聯大地下黨對「中間派師生」的統戰成效限於潛移默化的影響,那麼在1944-1946年民主運動高潮來臨時,其統戰成效已體現為促使「中間派師生」走出書齋,用文字和行動來爭取「民主與和平」,反抗國民黨當局的獨裁專制。 ; 誠然,在四十年代中期,「中間力量」所認同的是介於美蘇政治體制間的「第三條道路」。因此,雲南省工委和聯大地下黨通過扛起「民族主義」和「新民主」的旗幟將聯大師生等「中間力量」凝聚在一起,在孤立國民黨的同時,促使「中間力量」放棄「第三條道路」,服膺於「新民主主義」的「革命」之路。無疑,毛澤東的話語吸引了愛國的知識份子群體,使其感到儘管中共提倡的「新民主」並非西方強調的「民主」,但卻是一條可行的救國之路,「中間力量」感到可參與其中,輔助中共並影響其決策,甚至共同決定中國未來發展的方向。的確,大多數的聯大師生等「中間力量」對於中共及其所提倡的「新民主」是有期待的。南方局、雲南省工委和聯大地下黨的統戰成效亦於此可見。 ; 然而,本文也提及,在中共成為執政黨後,當「中間力量」對「革命」勝利發揮作用的歷史使命完成後,受西方教育理念影響的知識份子的「自由主義」與中共的「思想統整」間的弔詭性矛盾即被凸顯。因此,在中共建國後,對知識份子的思想改造不可避免,在這個靈魂改造的過程中,受沖擊的不僅僅是聯大師生 等「中間力量」,即使雲南省工委和聯大地下黨人亦不能幸免。 ; 事實上,聯大地下黨對聯大師生等「中間力量」的統戰工作的深遠影響並未隨著聯大的解體和新中國的成立而結束。聯大地下黨人及其統戰對象聯大「中間派師生」,在經歷了新中國對知識份子的思想改造運動後,如何反思民族主義、革命與民主的關係亦值得作進一步的梳理和檢討。這是本文的一個後續研究方向。 ; "The emergence of National South-west Associated University (hereafter abbreviated as NSAU) coincided roughly with the war of the Chinese resistance to Japanese aggression. Because of the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugou Qiao) incident on 7 July 1937 and the subsequent Japanese invasion of China, three renowned universities of north China, Peking University, Tsinghua University and Nankai University, were consolidated into one temporary university, National Changsha Temporary University (hereafter abbreviated as NCTU), by the Ministry of Education and relocated to Changsha in ...

Rural-urban linkages—including physical, economic, social, and political connections—are crucial for ending hunger and malnutrition (SDG 2) sustainably in both rural and urban areas. Rural-urban linkages also support other Sustainable Development Goals. Urban growth increases food demand and spurs dietary changes in urban areas—new demand can create opportunities for rural producers to improve their livelihoods. Broken value chains and poor coordination weaken rural-urban links and hold back progress on food security and nutrition. Investment in rural infrastructure and intermediate towns—quality rural and feeder roads, electricity, storage facilities, communications and information—can build connections and create hubs of economic activity benefiting smallholders and cities. ; PR ; IFPRI1 ; DGO; CPA

The purpose of the publication is to clarify the relationship between the Ukrainian state center and the city authorities of Gomel in the context of the accession of the Gomel region to the Ukrainian state. This issue is also important for studying the general experience of the city administration, as well as for the reconstruction of regional history, as Gomel demonstrated the case of the longest retention of elected city government in Belarus after October. According to the agreement of January 27 (February 9) 1918 between the UPR on the one hand and Germany, Turkey, Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria – on the other the southern districts of Grodno, Minsk and Mogilev provinces of the former North-Western region with ethnic Belarusian population were annexed. Ukraine and included in the process of Ukrainian state building. Gomel, the largest industrial and transport center on the Belarusian-Ukrainian-Russian border, also became part of Ukraine. In the conditions of establishment of structures of the Ukrainian state management and administration in Gomel district the activity of zemstvo-city self-government which party structure and state-political orientations were formed after February, 1917 and remained during short (from December, 1917 to the end of February, 1918) domination in the city of the Bolsheviks. The problem of the relationship between the hetman's government and local authorities in the annexed territories has not yet found its special study. The author of this text had to consider some institutional and personal aspects of the functioning of the Ukrainian authorities in the annexed Belarusian counties, as well as the issue of state identification of the Gomel Directory. The factual and institutional aspect of the topic was reflected in a thorough reference book on various government agencies in Belarus during the military-revolutionary period of 1917–1920. New sources of information for the topic were created by the publication of reports of the highest representatives of the Hetman's power on the ...