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Vols. 3-4 are loose-leaf. ; v. 1. Introduction. Federal cases.--v. 2. State cases.--v. 3. Case supplement.--v. 4. Instructions, appendix, index-digest, and cumulative supplement. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Political activity is a type of social activity displayed by citizens. Observations and research indicate that gender can be a factor which conditions its degree and forms. Apart from biological gen­der, which shapes the societal roles of women and men, additional factors that are supposedly respon­sible for their activities include elements of the system of beliefs (i.e. acknowledged political values, conviction that political activity has an importance, level of satisfaction with democracy as well as individualism and collectivism understood as an element of individual's mentality). The impact of those factors on degree of conventional political activities among women and men is the subject of surveys which were conducted in 2004, 2010, and 2014 on a group of 1048 students from Polish universities. The received results show that differences in political activity between surveyed men and women as well as varying determinants in both groups are slowly fading away. The most important predictors of women's political activity include: conviction of its significance in democracy and (dis)satisfaction with the way it functions.

This study examines the attitudes of citizens to actions that might be taken under hypothetical conditions of governmental oppression. A technique called Polarized Sub group Analysis (PSA) was used to divide a national sample of adults into groups that varied in the amount of systemic pun ishment that they had experienced. Those who had experi enced greater amounts of systemic punishment were less politi cally active and more rigid in the modes of action that they had utilized. They were more rigid psychologically and had higher levels of endorsement of official internal and international uses of force. A theory of reduced alternatives is proposed, which hypothe sizes that systemic punishment leads to a reduction in political activity as well as behavioral and psychological rigidity. It is this rigidity that leads to anxiety over complex situations and increased dependency upon and subsequent identification with authority to reduce the anxiety. This identification then re sults in greater endorsement of official uses of force, as well as reduced opposition to governmental oppression. Opposition to government requires a wide range of political alternatives, which reduces anxiety and dependence and the need for identi fication. The conditions under which withdrawal (alienation) may occur are briefly discussed. Evidence is given that non- whites in the United States do not identify with authority.

The aim of this paper is to make a modest contribution toward improved understanding of how the political process actually operates in America. It reports the results of some research on individual citizen participation in political activity and describes a tool that may be used for classifying individuals in terms of the amount of political activity in which they engage. Finally it outlines some differences that are observed when attitudes with respect to some public personalities and issues held by the politically active portion of the citizenry are compared with attitudes of the politically inert.The research study from which the data reported here are derived is one of a long series carried out over the past five years for the Public Relations Department of the Standard Oil Company (N. J.). The primary purpose of these studies has been to find out how the company stands with the American public —to learn what virtues people credit to it and what sins they think it is committing. Research on such topics inevitably involves the question of who among the vast body of American citizens are most articulate in their feelings about big corporations and most concerned to defend or attack them. Since similar questions arise whenever the citizen's role with respect to any public issue comes up, the tools developed for corporation public relations may have much wider applicability and usefulness.

企業對他們所處的環境以致更大社會環境的影響越來越引人注目,然而這一問題在學術界的研究依然有限。本論文研究企業政治活動,並嘗試豐富對企業政治活動決策及其影響的理解。 ; 在第一個研究當中,應用制度理論,我提出企業的創新會對企業的政治活動有增強作用。制度不僅是降低不確定性的系統,同樣也是被行為人權力所決定的結構,反映著行為人的利益。創新改變了利益及權力:創新者的利益被改變而權力得到增強。過去的制度不一定能反映了現在的利益和權力,所以創新帶來的改變可能會刺激企業嘗試對制度實施影響(在本文的研究中即企業政治活動),從而創立新的制度來加強或鞏固企業自身的利益。在另一方面,向新制度的轉變意味著放棄在舊制度下的既得利益。所以,我也提出假設:企業在技術網路中的地位會負面調節創新和企業政治活動之間的關係。 ; 第二個研究考察外國企業的政治活動。企業政治活動可能降低"外國劣勢"和外企遇到的制度矛盾。而且企業處於不同國家商務網路連接的節點上。這樣的位置使他們擁有更多的關於制度的瞭解,更少地被約束於本地制度,使他們更有能力進行制度創新。我提出這兩方面的影響會刺激外企在企業政治活動方面比本地企業更積極。 ; 企業選擇進行政治活動,一個自然而然的問題就是:這樣的活動對企業有沒有作用?第三個研究關於這一話題。關於企業政治活動對企業績效的影響,已有文獻中有著不同的解讀和發現。本文將企業政治活動看作是一個在非市場環境中的戰略:它的影響目標是沒有市場交易不產生收益的非市場環境,所以它並不能直接帶來利潤。然而企業政治活動可能為企業的市場行為創造優良環境,使企業能從市場戰略中獲得更多的利潤。所以,本文從交互作用的方面考察企業政治活動對於企業績效的影響,提出企業政治活動將加強創新和合併對企業績效的正面影響。 ; The influence that firms exert on their environment is relatively under-researched. In this thesis, I study a typical and perhaps the most recognized effort of firms to influence the environment – corporate political activity (CPA), trying to provide insights on the knowledge of CPA choice and its effectiveness. ; In the first essay, applying institutional perspective, I suggest that a firm's innovation is positively related to its engagement in CPA. Institutions are not only the systems that prevent uncertainty, but also the structures decided by the bargaining power of actors and which reflect the interests of the actors. Innovation changes interest and power - the foundations behind institutions, therefore, may encourage institutional work for new institutions - in this study CPA for public policies. On the other hand, changing to new institutions would imply dropping the vested interest in old institutions. So, the greater the vested interest of a firm in old institutions, the less likely it is that it will engage in CPA after innovation. Thus, I also hypothesize that a firm's centrality in the technology network will negatively moderate the relationship between its innovation and involvement in political activities. ; The second essay investigates how being foreign may ...

First published under title: The Cincinnati plan of citizen organization for political activity. ; On cover: The Cincinnati plan. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A polemic is presented, arguing that the traditional lecture (in which the teacher speaks all or most of the time) is both educationally ineffective and in part a political authoritarian act. For those teachers and students who accept this interpretation two suggested directions are outlined. One is to change the form of the lecture to include more student centred activities. Alternatively staff can develop courses with few or no lectures. In conclusion I argue that aspects of the politics of higher education obstruct teachers and students who wish to teach and learn in these more effective ways.

This department is devoted to shorter reports on research in the communications field. Readers are invited to submit summaries of investigative studies interesting for content, method or implications for further research.

Rational actor theory and the facts of political participation have long been in an uneasy relationship. Many citizens vote and take part in other political activities when theory would predict that they would take a free ride. This paper draws on several analyses of citizen participation for some of which rational actor theory is quite useful and for others it is less so. It attempts to specify the conditions under which the theory is applicable. It concludes that rational actor theory is more potent when applied to issues of cost rather than benefits or when the goals of participation can be specified in a clear manner and one can measure their degree of attainment.

Activists are the engines of social movements. What spurs their activism? This article scrutinizes the role of civic participation in stimulating political action. We examine how the type of voluntary organization, scope of involvement and intensity of activity relate to political activity. Contrary to existing studies that collapse noninstitutional political activities into a single measure, we differentiate collective activities from individualized activities, enabling us to investigate how the type, intensity and scope of civic participation differentially stimulate political activities. Our sample included 14,787 participants in 71 street demonstrations. We show that membership and interest in activist organizations stimulates political activity, especially for those actively involved and especially for collective noninstitutionalized activities, while membership in leisure organizations only stimulates individualized political activities, but not collective activities. We therefore conclude that civic participation is a multifaceted phenomenon associated with various political activities in different ways.

A brief overview is provided of how American fans have used Captain America in their political activity, and the implications of their political appropriation are explored.