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Our democracy is based on the existence of political parties that need to finance their activities. And this matter is not exempt from difficulties. Designing policies to regulate the way in which they obtain funds is an issue that always matters political theorists and has its correlation in the lack of uniform legislation on how it should be financed. But this issue presents an additional problem: the existence of corrupt practices in the way funds are obtained, and the appearance on the scene of organized crime, as a new patron in the functioning of politics. Fighting against this reality is a challenge, because corruption, as well as organized crime undermine public institutions and submerge a large part of the population into poverty and marginalization. Therefore, it is essential to design effective policies to combat both phenomena, which in many cases overlap each other. These issues will be analyzed in this work. ; Nuestra democracia se sustenta en la existencia de partidos políticos. Estos, para su funcionamiento necesitan financiar su actividad, lo que no está exento de problemas. Diseñar políticas que regulen la manera en que obtienen fondos es una cuestión que no deja de ocupar a los teóricos políticos y que tiene su correlato en la falta de una legislación uniforme acerca de cómo debe costearse su funcionamiento. Pero esta cuestión presenta un problema adicional: la existencia de prácticas corruptas en la manera de financiarse, y con la aparición en escena del crimen organizado, como nuevo mecenas en el funcionamiento de la política. Luchar contra esta realidad es un desafío, ya que tanto la corrupción como la criminalidad organizada, socavan las instituciones públicas y sumergen a gran parte de la población en la pobreza y la marginalidad. Por ello, diseñar políticas eficaces para combatir ambos fenómenos, que en muchos casos se solapan, es imprescindible. Este trabajo estará dedicado a analizar, precisamente, las cuestiones anteriormente mencionadas.

During their exile in Mexico, a sizable number of the politically active female minority in the Republican period participated in the reconstruction of women's organizations that had functioned in Spain during the civil war, having joined together in a group known as the "Antifascist Women's Association". Thus, in the 1940s, the Union of Spanish Women was formed. Their mission involved providing solidarity and material support to the women and men incarcerated in the Franco dictatorship and pursued a "feminine but not feminist" policy maintaining fluid relations between their private domestic duties and the public sphere, which would endure from the 40s through to 1960s. ; Durante el exilio en México, una parte significativa de la minoría femenina activa en política en el período republicano se dedicó a la reconstrucción de una de las organizaciones de mujeres que habían funcionado en España durante la guerra, la "Agrupación de Mujeres Antifascistas". Así se creó en los años cuarenta la Unión de Mujeres Españolas, dedicada en especial a la solidaridad material con las mujeres y los hombres presos dentro de las cárceles franquistas. Su actividad política desarrollada a partir de un discurso "femenino pero no feminista" plantea la fluida relación existente entre el espacio privado del hogar y lo público, en relación con las actividades antifranquistas emprendidas por estas mujeres desde los años cuarenta hasta los sesenta.

This paper proposes a political economy explanation of bailouts to declining industries. A model of probabilistic voting is developed, in which two candidates compete for the vote of two groups of the society through tactical redistribution. We allow politicians to have core support groups they understand better, this implies politicians are more or less effective to deliver favors to some groups. This setting is suited to reproduce pork barrels or machine politics and patronage. We use this model to illustrate the case of an economy with both an efficient industry and a declining one, in which workers elect their government. We present the conditions under which the political process ends up with the lagged-behind industry being allowed to survive.

This work aims at analysing the political role played by women of the aristocracy in the Fronde, as well as its representations in the XVIIth century, in order to highlight what is at stake politically, socially and culturally. The actions accomplished by women, but above all the views expressed about them, and all the communication strategies used by the Frondeuses to take part in the civil war are examined, as well as the strategies they and their contemporaries used to underline the part these women played in the political life. All those points reveal ideas about power, the field of activity of women and the relationships between power and women, which seem to be far more open and daring than the principle of male exclusive rights gives us to understand. All the political projects in which these fifteen women or so took part are taken into account, from the beginning of Ann of Austria's regency in 1643 to the eve of Louis XIV's personal reign in 1661. Two main means of action appear: the Amazons of the Fronde used military methods whereas the intriguers used diplomatic ones. A closer look at their behaviours leads to underline how deeply the Frondeuses were rooted in powerful networks of families, friends and clientage, where they held strategic positions. For several of them, the analysis of actions and discourses before, during and after the upheaval questions a possible attempt at feminist emancipation. ; Ce travail de recherche s'intéresse au rôle politique des femmes de l'aristocratie dans la Fronde et aux représentations dont il fait l'objet au XVIIe siècle, de façon à en faire apparaître les enjeux politiques, sociaux et culturels. Les actions accomplies, mais surtout les discours, les mises en scène et, plus généralement, toutes les stratégies de communication qu'emploient les Frondeuses et leur entourage pour intervenir dans la guerre civile sont examinés, de mêmes que les témoignages des contemporains. Or, les sources écrites et la documentation iconographique révèlent une conception du pouvoir, du ...

This work aims at analysing the political role played by women of the aristocracy in the Fronde, as well as its representations in the XVIIth century, in order to highlight what is at stake politically, socially and culturally. The actions accomplished by women, but above all the views expressed about them, and all the communication strategies used by the Frondeuses to take part in the civil war are examined, as well as the strategies they and their contemporaries used to underline the part these women played in the political life. All those points reveal ideas about power, the field of activity of women and the relationships between power and women, which seem to be far more open and daring than the principle of male exclusive rights gives us to understand. All the political projects in which these fifteen women or so took part are taken into account, from the beginning of Ann of Austria's regency in 1643 to the eve of Louis XIV's personal reign in 1661. Two main means of action appear: the Amazons of the Fronde used military methods whereas the intriguers used diplomatic ones. A closer look at their behaviours leads to underline how deeply the Frondeuses were rooted in powerful networks of families, friends and clientage, where they held strategic positions. For several of them, the analysis of actions and discourses before, during and after the upheaval questions a possible attempt at feminist emancipation. ; Ce travail de recherche s'intéresse au rôle politique des femmes de l'aristocratie dans la Fronde et aux représentations dont il fait l'objet au XVIIe siècle, de façon à en faire apparaître les enjeux politiques, sociaux et culturels. Les actions accomplies, mais surtout les discours, les mises en scène et, plus généralement, toutes les stratégies de communication qu'emploient les Frondeuses et leur entourage pour intervenir dans la guerre civile sont examinés, de mêmes que les témoignages des contemporains. Or, les sources écrites et la documentation iconographique révèlent une conception du pouvoir, du champ d'action des femmes et des rapports entre femmes et pouvoir bien plus ouverte et audacieuse que ne le laisse entendre la règle de l'exclusif masculin. Tous les projets politiques auxquels participent ces femmes, une quinzaine environ, sont considérés, du début de la régence d'Anne d'Autriche en 1643 à l'avènement du règne personnel de Louis XIV en 1661. Deux modes d'action principaux apparaissent : les interventions à caractère militaire des Amazones de la Fronde d'une part, celles qui relèvent de la diplomatie occulte accomplies par les « intrigantes » d'autre part. L'examen des moyens employés conduit à souligner l'ancrage des Frondeuses dans des réseaux familiaux, amicaux et clientélaires puissants où elles occupent des positions stratégiques. Pour plusieurs d'entre elles, l'analyse des actes et des discours avant, pendant et après les troubles civils pose la question d'une éventuelle démarche d'émancipation à caractère féministe.

The author comments on her own experiences as a committed feminist in two apparently different and even incompatible spheres, showing these are, necessarily, closely related. She has used both her academic and political backgrounds to shed a light on the persisting invisibility of women in our culture, despite their growing presence in political activities. Women are still not seen as individuals; not only men, but also some feminists tend to consider them as a homogenous group, with the same needs and desires. Thos text states that there is no justification for defending solutions for half of the human beings, since, apart from being a woman and sharing feminist convictions, they do not necessarily have anything in common. ; La autora comenta sus propias experiencias como feminista comprometida en dos esferas aparentemente diferentes e incompatibles, mostrando que, necesariamente, éstas se hallan estrechamente relacionadas. La autora ha empleado tanto su experiencia académica como personal para arrojar luz sobre la persistente invisibilidad de las mujeres en nuestra cultura, pese a su creciente presencia en las actividades políticas. Las mujeres siguen sin ser percibidas como individuos; no sólo los hombres sino también algunas feministas tienden a considerarlas un grupo homogéneo, con las mismas necesidades y deseos. Este texto sostiene que no hay justificación alguna que defienda soluciones para la mitad de los seres humanos, puesto que, aparte de ser mujer y de compartir convicciones feministas, no tienen por qué tener nada en común.

The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.

The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.

The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.

During the last ten years, several studies that have examined the positive impact political Internet (PIU) and social network uses have on democracy suggest that these are a powerful tool that contributes to its quality and the empowerment of citizens. However, the results of these studies are mixed because they have taken into account only certain aspects of democracy such as: votes, social mobilization, and participation in protests. In addition, they focus mainly on developed societies. This article researches on the effects PIU and the political use of social networks from a new perspective: deliberation. By means of the data obtained from the survey Political Communication and Participation in Colombia 2012, it was possible to analyze the impact of these two tools on deliberative attitudes. The results suggest that they have a meaningful and positive impact on deliberation. ; En los últimos diez años una multiplicidad de estudios que han examinado el impacto positivo de los usos políticos de internet (political internet uses, PIU) y de las redes sociales en la democracia sugiere que estos son una poderosa herramienta que contribuye con la calidad de la democracia y el empoderamiento ciudadano. Sin embargo, los resultados que arrojan son mixtos y solo han analizado dimensiones de la democracia, como el voto, la movilización social y la participación en protestas, además de haberse concentrado en su mayoría en sociedades desarrolladas. En el presente artículo se investigan los efectos del PIU y el uso político de las redes sociales en una dimensión novedosa: la deliberación. Usando los datos de la encuesta comunicación y participación política en Colombia 2012, se analizó el impacto del PIU y de los usos políticos de las redes sociales en las actitudes deliberativas. Los resultados sugieren que el PIU y los usos políticos de las redes sociales tienen un impacto significativo y positivo en la deliberación. ; Nos últimos dez anos uma multiplicidade de estudos que têm examinado o impacto positivo dos usos políticos da internet (political internet uses, PIU) e das redes sociais na democracia sugere que estes são uma poderosa ferramenta que contribui com a qualidade da democracia e o empoderamento cidadão. Porém, os resultados que arrojam são mistos e só têm analisado dimensões da democracia, como o voto, a mobilização social e a participação em protestas, além do mais de ter-se concentrado na sua maioria em sociedades desenvolvidas. No presente artigo se investigam os efeitos do PIU e o uso político das redes sociais em uma dimensão novidadeira: a deliberação. Usando os dados da enquete comunicação e participação política na Colômbia em 2012, se analisou o impacto do PIU e dos usos políticos das redes sociais nas atitudes deliberativas. Os resultados sugerem que o PIU e os usos políticos das redes sociais têm um impacto significativo e positivo na deliberação.

El Paro Nacional del 21 del noviembre representó un punto de inflexión, tanto en las calles como en las redes. Esta investigación se propone comprender la composición de los grupos que participaron el primer día de la protesta desde Twitter, así como determinar los patrones de interacción en línea que tuvieron los usuarios de la plataforma digital. Por tanto, este artículo primero hace un breve repaso teórico sobre la relación política- internet. En el segundo apartado, explica el método escogido para la investigación: Análisis de Redes Sociales (ARS). En tercer lugar, expone el procedimiento de recolección de los datos. En el cuarto apartado, se expone la forma en la que se realizó el grafo. Enseguida, se analiza el gráfico de redes que se obtuvo. Finalmente, se concluye con una serie de reflexiones sobre las posibles interpretaciones políticas aplicadas al escenario colombiano. ; Colombia's National Strike on November 21 represents an inflection point, both on the streets and on social media. The purpose of this research is twofold: (i) it aims to understand the composition of the clusters that actively participated in Twitter conversations on the first day of the strike, and (ii) it also seeks to determine the online interaction patterns that took place on the same platform. First, this paper delivers a brief theoretical review of the politics-internet relationship. Second, it describes the methodology applied in this project: Network Analysis. Third, it outlines the data collection process. Fourth, it explains how the network graph was created. Lastly, it concludes with some considerations regarding the possible consequences of the National Strike-related Twitter activity for Colombian politics at large.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.