Suchergebnisse

The invention of the M.P. Parlementary meetings and the specialization of the political activity in the XIXth century.
Jean Joana [23-41]
Weberian categories about «notables» and «professionals» present the first one as dilettantes who spontaneously dispose of resources and «savoir-faire» necessary to political activity. The analysis of representation and practices mobilized by notables who sit into chambers from 1815 to 1877 allows to contest this prospect. The involving of «réunions de députés», is showing an authentic specialization about the activity exerted by this staff, not only about specific interests and stake, but too on particular competences and savoir-faire. During this time, the increase of «réunions» proves the effect used by the parlementarian institution upon the definition of constitutive role about deputy craft and professionalization of political activity.

Conflicts and Spheres of Political Activity in Algeria, by Benjamin Stora
This article aims to illustrate that a sphere of political activity does exist in Algeria, one that is made up of traditional forces, the present regime, the army and a Democratie movement. This description breaks with the analysis that shows Algeria slipping into mindless violence. The author attempts to foresee several solutions to the dreadful war from which the country suffers.

Nurit Schleifmann, The Internal Agency: linchpin of the political police in Russia.
The purpose of this article is to outline several of the characteristic features of police infiltration into the revolutionary movement by means of the secret agent. These features stem largely from the underlying conception of the Police Department which viewed its cardinal objective as "liquidation": the surveillance of revolutionary groups with the aim of eliminating them at an appropriate moment. Thus the Internal Agency - as the secret agents were collectively dubbed by the Police - had pride of place in the activity of each Okhrana section; the data gathered by the agents were given top priority in appraising the situation and since this information was tendentious, this led to incongruities between the revolutionary tide and the deployment of the police to combat it. Moreover, the underlying conception dictated police concentration on the individual revolutionary act and brought about the erroneous assumption that the larger the revolutionary organization, the greater its menace. Police comprehension of reality determined also their attitude towards the various components of the revolutionary camp. However, the scope of infiltration into a given movement was affected by a combination of three factors: the degree of interest evinced by the police in the movement's activity, the movement's size and the nature of its organization.

The article presents ongoing research into how to interpret texts related to political activity. It mainly considers how political ideas circulate & act within controversies & within social praxis. It puts forward various analytical concepts (the stance taken in the text, the impact of its arguments, political culture & the identity of the agent), using a method critical of thinking in terms of the 'influence of great authors' & top-down causality (ie, great authors causing social agents to do/think things). It examines the analytical concept of ideology especially closely, redefining & applying it to a propaganda pamphlet written by Joseph Fievee in 1816. Finally, it posits a new concept: ideo praxis (eg, liberal or socialist ideopraxis). Adapted from the source document.

An analysis of political activity in Brussels, Flanders, & Wallonia (Belgium) between 1953 & 1974 classified by degree of urbanization shows that demonstrating is an Ur phenomenon, rarely occurring in thinly populated residential areas. Demonstrations were most frequent in Brussels, where they also involved more participants than did those in the other regions. The demonstrations differed in purpose also; eg, those in Flanders had primarily ideological & communitarian themes, while those in Wallonia centered on SE issues. It is concluded that there are more factors stimulating participation in demonstrations in Ur than in Ru areas. 15 Tables, 3 Maps. Modified HA

Lukashism is a term used by the opponents of the Belarusian regime to condemn the individual roots of the political model established by President Lukashenka since his first election in 1994. The concept of authoritarian populism used in the article seeks to break with an analysis centered on the president's personality & an approach that explains the specificity of the Belarusian political & social organization by pointing out the invariable cultural basis of the Belarusian people. The article shows how power mechanisms related to 1990s Belarusian politics are based on populism as a manner to legitimize authoritarian discourses & practices. Authoritarian populism in Belarus is analyzed according to three perspectives: charismatic domination in its relationship with the Soviet-era cult of personality; weakening of the institutional & political forms of mediation; & personalization of political activity through the individualization of power positions & supremacy of decrees. Adapted from the source document.

A discussion of the political exclusion of women during the early stages of the French revolution. Reexamined is the social definition of feminine political activity that obscures legislators' attitudes toward women. A rapid study of the important moments in the Constituent Assembly's activity & the way it treated the relatively few feminine demands expressed in this forum reveals that the exclusion of women is based on a scale of values: the deputies admit that women can play a political role in eliminating earlier forms of organization, ie, areas where a strong consensus exists, but beyond this, they dispose of no other form of membership in political society, even in instances where an oath, usually considered irrevocable, has been taken. Thus the motivation for exclusion is not related to a specific characteristic, eg, religious affiliation, but is a consequence of the institution of women as passive beings. AA

The issue of nationalism in Canadian politics is discussed, focusing on the ideology & political activity of the Acadian Party in New Brunswick. The party's ultimate objective was the fusion of New Brunswick francophone areas with Quebec to form a new, nationally homogeneous political entity, & it drew its initial support from the French-speaking minority in New Brunswick. The philosophical system of the Acadian Party is replete with mystical nationalism & exhibits a decidedly authoritarian slant; the party is unlikely to become integrated in democratic Canadian politics without major revisions of its ideology. S. Karganovic

False Obviousness. Refugee Status and Politicization.
Stephane Dufoix.
Measuring the politically active emigré population requires going beyond the implicit connection between the granting of the refugee status and the political character of the migration. As matter of fact, four reasons demonstrate the necessity of dissociating refugee status and politicization : the impossible determination of the causes of departure, the false obviousness of the migration of intellectuals, the existence of non-refugee political activists, and the existence of nonpolitically motivated legal refugees. Therefore, we advocate an important change of sight that would turn political activity in exile and its frame - what we call the exile polity - into a scientific object of its own.

Politicisation of British Civil Service : Ambitions, Limits and Conceptual Problems.
During the period in which the Conservative government was in power, there was no increase in the political activities of British civil servants who remain independent from any overt political activity. On the other hand, the period is characterised by systematic tendencies aimed at limiting the autonomy of civil servants and at assuring their obedience. This politicisation occurred in accordance with criticism emanating from Conservative quarters and followed a three-stage strategy : first, Conservatives undertook to reduce the influence and autonomy of the civil service, then a reform of its organisational and ideological culture was undertaken, and finally political control over civil servants was reaffirmed.

■ Savarese
Memory Wars About the Algerian Question : Concerning Some Militant Claims
In a time when commemoration belongs to civic virtues, the French state is now confronted with the splitting of Algerian memories. The Pied-Noir example shows that the same existence of distinctive groups (Pieds-Noirs, Harkis, etc.) depends on the militant involvement in such Algerian memory wars. Besides, the so-called wars set off an intense political activity, each group aiming to obtain from authorities the official establishment of memory places and museums in benefice of their own memory and at others expense.

This paper explores the clandestine connections, in what we call the gray zone of politics, between official political actors and unofficial political actors who are entrusted with the more unseemly "dirty work" of politics in contemporary Argentina, such as inciting episodes of collective violence, "paying off" youths with drugs and alcohol for their work of attending political rallies, and making physical threats against opposition parties and candidates. After a brief review of existing literature on the relationship between clandestine political connections and collective violence, this paper uses an ethnographic reanalysis of existing data to construct three detailed accounts that highlight the role the gray zone plays in contemporary Argentinean politics. We argue that the laundering of political acts through these clandestine channels constitutes a crucial dimension of politics that must be empirically dissected and theorized to better understand routine political activity writ large before concluding with a brief consideration of the analytical and methodological implications of such a framework. Adapted from the source document.

Is Algerian Islamism a Nebulous Concept or a Social Movement ?, by Brahim Younessi
International public opinion learnt about the existence of the Algerian Islamist movement from the television when political activity was liberalized in 1989 and discovered the country's violent situation in January 1991 when the democratie electoral process was interrupted. Algeria is divided into two implacably antagonistic camps which challenge and exclude one another on the basis of « otherness ». The notion that each has of order, public space and social normes is completely different. Algeria is going through a serious identity crisis with multiple identities surfacing and rejecting one another. Inflexible thinking and the rent System have left their mark on the hehaviour of political entities and social groups.