Suchergebnisse

Tjelesna neaktivnost i sjedilački (sedentarni) način života smatraju se nezavisnim kardiovaskularnim čimbenicima rizika. Brojne su studije dokazale obrnutu povezanost stupnja tjelesne aktivnosti i pojavnosti kardiovaskularnih bolesti. Tjelesna neaktivnost navješćivač (prediktor) je kardiovaskularnih bolesti i u zdravih osoba, ali i osoba s već postojećom bolesti. Različiti su mehanizmi uključeni u kardiovaskularni zaštitni učinak tjelesne aktivnosti, a temelje se na poboljšanju endotelne funkcije, smanjenju simpatičke neuralne aktivnosti i rigidnosti stijenka krvnih žila. Potrebni su veliki napori pri promjeni usađenih nezdravih navika na individualnoj razini, razini zajednice i političkoj razini da bi se postiglo uvođenje tjelesne aktivnosti kao stila življenja. Zaključno, s javnozdravstvenoga gledišta, nijedan lijek nije toliko moćan kao tjelesna aktivnost u bilo kojoj životnoj dobi. ; SUMMARY Physical inactivity combined with sedentary lifestyle is considered one of the independent risk factors for cardiovascular diseases. Numerous studies have demonstrated the inverse correlation between the level of physical activity and the incidence of cardiovascular diseases. Physical activity is not just a predictor of cardiovascular disease in healthy individuals, but also in individuals with previously known disease. The cardiovascular protective effect of physical activity involves various mechanisms that are based on the improvement of endothelial function, decrease in sympathetic neural activity and reduction of arterial stiffness. Enormous efforts are needed to promote the change of the ingrained unhealthy habits at personal, community and political level in order to establish physical activity as lifestyle. Finally, from the perspective of public health, no drug is as powerful as physical activity, at any age.

Politička apatija je generalna nezainteresiranost i ravnodušnost građana prema politici, niska razina sudjelovanja u političkim aktivnostima i slab odaziv na izbore. Istraživanje provedeno na području pet slavonskih županija u Republici Hrvatskoj pokazalo je nisku razinu sudjelovanja u konvencionalnim i nekonvencionalnim političkim aktivnostima odnosno visoku razinu političke apatije. Istraživanje je provedeno 2017. godine, metodom osobnog ispitivanja na uzorku od ukupno 662 ispitanika. Rezultati analize razlika (ANOVA-e i T-testa) pokazali su kako veću tendenciju sudjelovanja u konvencionalnim i nekonvencionalnim političkim aktivnostima imaju muškarci te ispitanici s iznadprosječnim primanjima, a u slučaju nekonvencionalnih političkih aktivnosti veću tendenciju sudjelovanja iskazali su i više obrazovani ispitanici u odnosu na niže obrazovane. Provedenom klasteranalizom opisani su pojedini segmenti birača prema razini njihovog sudjelovanja u političkim aktivnostima, a rezultati su ukazali kako više od polovice ispitanika (51,2 %) pripada segmentu apatičnih građana. Ovaj segment najvećim dijelom čine žene i ispitanici s ispodprosječnim prihodima, a odlikuju ih visoke stope političkog cinizma, izrazito niske stope interesa za politiku i percipiranog znanja o politici. Rezultati ovog istraživanja doprinose teoriji i praksi političkog marketinga u Republici Hrvatskoj jer utvrđivanjem razine političke apatije te karakteristika određenih ciljnih skupina, političke stranke mogu odrediti smjer i načine djelovanja na određenu ciljnu skupinu u cilju povećanja broja svojih birača, ali i smanjenja političke apatije kao društvenog problema. Najveće ograničenje istraživanja odnosi se na nereprezentativan uzorak s obzirom na to da je istraživanje provedeno u samo jednoj regiji Republike Hrvatske. Za dobivanje cjelovite slike i utvrđivanje eventualnih regionalnih razlika istraživanje bi trebalo provesti na području cijele Republike Hrvatske. Buduća bi se istraživanja također trebala fokusirati na detaljnu analizu utjecajnih čimbenika političke apatije. Testiranjem jačine i smjera pojedinih utjecajnih čimbenika na političku apatiju dobila bi se korisna saznanja kako na te čimbenike djelovati s ciljem reduciranja političke apatije. ; Political apathy represents the general disinterest and indifference of citizens towards politics, low levels of participation in political activities, and low turnout. The research conducted in the five Slavonian counties in the Republic of Croatia showed a low level of participation in conventional and unconventional political activities, i.e. a high level of political apathy. The research was conducted in 2017, using an in-person survey method on a sample of 662 respondents. The results of the analysis of differences (ANOVA and T-test) showed that men and respondents with above-average income have a greater tendency to participate in both conventional and unconventional political activities. When it comes to unconventional political activities, a higher tendency to participate was expressed by higher educated respondents as opposed to lower educated citizens. Cluster analysis has described some segments of the voters according to their degree of involvement in political activity, and the results indicated that more than half of the respondents (51.2%) belong to the segment of apathetic citizens. This segment mainly consists of women and respondents with under average income, characterized by high rates of political cynicism, low levels of interest in politics and perceived knowledge of politics. The results of this research contribute to the theory and practice of political marketing in the Republic of Croatia. By determining the level of political apathy and the characteristics of specific target groups, political parties can determine the direction and ways of acting on a particular target group in order to increase the number of voters and to reduce political apathy as a social problem. The most significant limitation of the research is the non-representative sample given that the survey was conducted in only one region of the Republic of Croatia. To obtain a complete picture and to identify possible regional differences, research should be carried out throughout the Republic of Croatia. Future research should also focus on a detailed analysis of influential factors of political apathy. By testing the strength and direction of some influential factors on political apathy, it would be useful to know how to influence those factors in order to reduce political apathy.

Osamostaljivanje Republike Hrvatske zahtijevalo je potrebu formiranja svih dijelova upravnog sustava svojstvenih samostalnoj državi. Zbog izvanrednih okolnosti pobune i ratne agresije, formiranje samostalnog i operativno osposobljenog upravnog resora unutarnjih poslova, bilo je od esencijalne važnosti za održavanje unutarnje sigurnosti. Svrha ovog rada jest istražiti specifičnosti ustroja i djelokruga poslova Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova u razdoblju od početka 1990. do 1992. godine. U tom cilju, daje se prikaz povijesnih događaja političke tranzicije pri čemu je naglasak na onima koji su u bitnome determinirali smjer i dinamiku razvoja resora unutarnjih poslova. Istražit će se i analizirati organizacijski oblici na svim stupnjevima vertikalne diferencijacije kao i djelokrug nadležnosti ustrojstvenih cjelina ministarstva, posebno redarstvenih službi. ; The independence process of the Republic of Croatia required the formation of all branches of the administrative system inherent in an independent state. Due to the state of emergency naimly the riots and war aggression, formation of an independent and fully operational administrative system of the Internal affairs was of vital importance in terms of maintenance of internal security. The purpose of this paper is to explore the organizationls specifities and the scope of work of the Ministry of the Interior from the beginning of 1990 until 1992. In order to achive this gol, the paper gives the historical overview of the political transition, with an emphasis on events which had essentially determined the direction and dynamics of the development process within the Internal affains branch. Forms of organization will be explored and analyzed at all levels of vertical differentiation, as well as the scope of competence of the Ministry's organizational units. Special emphasis is placed on different police services.

U legitimiranju komunističke vlasti u Hrvatskoj/Jugoslaviji nakon Drugog svjetskog rata važnu ulogu imale su i tradicionalne institucije zakonodavne, izvršne i sudbene vlasti. Njihovo oblikovanje u Federalnoj Državi/Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj započelo je 1943. te je nastavljeno do donošenja Ustava NRH 18. siječnja 1947., kojim dobivaju ustavnu potvrdu. U odnosu na njihove ustavne pozicije, u dosadašnjim istraživanjima poslijeratnog političkog sustava u Hrvatskoj zaključeno je da su stvarnu vlast i monopol odlučivanja imala najviša tijela KPJ, tj. KPH. Pri tome stvarni položaj i uloga središnjih državnih tijela u funkcioniranju političkog sustava vlasti u Hrvatskoj nakon 1945. do sada nisu sustavno istraženi te se ovim radom daje doprinos na tom području. Prezentiraju se rezultati istraživanja organizacije i djelovanja Sabora NRH u sustavu vlasti u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju formalnog federalizma i stvarnog centralizma (1945. – 1953.). Postavljeno je više istraživačkih ciljeva: odnos između njegova formalnog ustavnog (de iure) i stvarnog (de facto) položaja u sustavu vlasti, ustroj, sastav, zakonodavna djelatnost i druge funkcije, odnosi s KPH/SKH i republičkim institucijama vlasti, te utjecaj njegova djelovanja na svakodnevni život stanovništva. Njegova organizacija i djelovanje uspoređeni su s organizacijom i djelovanjem Narodne skupštine FNRJ, institucija zakonodavne vlasti drugih jugoslavenskih republika, te drugih država u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast, ponajprije Ruske Sovjetske Federativne Socijalističke Republike (RSFSR) i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika (SSSR). Postavljeno je nekoliko hipoteza koje su istraživanjem i potvrđene: ustavni položaj vrhovnog tijela državne vlasti u Hrvatskoj Sabor NRH nije ostvarivao u praksi; bio je organiziran po uzoru na Narodnu skupštinu FNRJ; njegova zakonodavna djelatnost nije uključivala stvarnu raspravu, već samo formalno normiranje prethodno definiranih političkih ciljeva i ideja KPH/SKH; u Saboru NRH nije bilo pluralizma političkoga mišljenja; građani su se obraćali Saboru NRH prvenstveno s ciljem ostvarivanja osobnih prava, ponajprije socijalnih. Osnovne metode korištene u istraživanju su kritička analiza izvora i komparativna metoda. Rezultati su prezentirani kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a u pojedinim poglavljima sistematizirani su u obliku grafičkih i tabličnih prikaza. Doktorskim radom daje se doprinos boljem poznavanju institucija i političkog sustava vlasti FD/NRH u razdoblju 1945. – 1953. Istraživanje može biti poticaj sličnim istraživanjima i u drugim bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama. Omogućuje se usporedba s političkim sustavima vlasti u drugim europskim državama u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast. ; The important role in legitimising the communist system of government in Croatia/Yugoslavia after the Second World War was played by the traditional institutions of legislative, executive and judicial government. Their organization in Federal State / People's Republic of Croatia began in 1943, and continued until the Constitution of the People's Republic of Croatia adoption on 18th January 1947, which gave them constitutional confirmation. As the supreme state governing institutions were declared People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament and its Presidium; Government of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme executive and administrative governing institution, and Supreme Court of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme judicial institution. In relation to their constitutional position, in previous researches of post-war political system in Croatia, was concluded that the real authority and decision-making monopoly had the highest body of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, ie. Communist Party of Croatia. In doing so, the actual position and the role of republic governmental institutions in the communist system of government in Croatia after 1945 haven't been systematically researched, and this doctoral thesis makes a contribution in this scope. The doctoral thesis presents the results of researching the organisation and activity of People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament during the period of formal federalism and actual centralism (1945 – 1953). The aim is to explain the realation between the constitutional and actual position of the Parliament in the communist system of government, its structure, composition, legislative activity, relations with the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communists of Croatia and republic governmental institutions, as well as the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population. Parliament's organisation and activity is also compared to the organisation and activity of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia, as well as with legislative institutions of the former Yugoslavian republics and other European states with established communist rule, primarily Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). A number of hypotheses are confirmed by research: the constitutional position of the supreme state governing institution, Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia didn't achieve in practice; it was organized on the model of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia; its legislative activity didn't include the actual debate, but only a formal adoption and promulgation of pre-defined political goals and ideas of the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communist of Croatia; in People's Republic of Croatia'a Parliament, there wasn't pluralism of political opinion; citizens addressed the Parliament, primarily with the aim of solving personal problems, especially social. Main methods used in research were critical analysis of resources (notably original, unpublished archival documents) and comparative method. The research results are presented by a combination of thematic and chronological approach. In certain chapters, they are systematized in the form of graphical and tabular overviews. Doctoral thesis is structured as follows. In the first, introductory chapter are explained the research topic, main goals, hypotheses and scientific contribution, methodology, as well as literature and resources used in the research. The chapter gives an overview of the previous researches relevant to the topic, and the classification of legislatures in such researches. The second chapter gives an overview of the Yugoslav/Croatian communist system of government and the position of legislatures in this system in theory. There are explained the main characteristics of the then revolutionary ideology of the ruling Communist Party, as well as formal constitutional provision. They are compared with the main characteristics of the Soviet communist system of government. It also gives an overview of the classical Marxist theory about the state, government and legislatures, and demonstrates how it was used in the writings and speeches of Yugoslav theoreticians and politicians. The third and fourth chapter give an overview of the People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament organization and activity in practice, divided into two chronological periods: until the adoption of the People's Republic of Croatia's Constitution in January 1947, and thereafter up in 1953. The fifth, concluding chapter, summarizes the main research results. Chapter six contains several appendixes: the results of parliamentary elections in Croatia 1946, 1947 and 1950; a list of councilors, ie. representatives in State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia and in People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament 1943 – 1953; a list of members of the Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia 1945 – 1953; a list of representatives from Croatia in Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia / National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1945 – 1953; a list of laws adopted by the National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1946 – 1953; a list of tables and figures used in doctoral thesis). Seventh chapter contains a list of sources and literature used in the research. Doctoral thesis contributes to better understanding of institutions and the political system of government in Croatia in the period 1945 – 1953. Comparative approach in the presentation of research results, gives a contribution to knowledge of the political system of government and central governing institutions in the former Yugoslavia, as well in the other former Yugoslavian republics. At the same time, it can be a impulse for similar researces in those states. It also enables comparation with the political systems of government and legislatures in other European states with established communist rule. Through the analysis of the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population, it gives contribution to the history of everyday life in communist Croatia and Yugoslavia.

U radu se istražuju ustroj i djelovanje Izvršnog vijeća Sabora NRH, republičkog izvršnog tijela vlasti, u razdoblju od njegova osnivanja Ustavnim zakonom NRH 1953. godine do donošenja novog Ustava SRH 1963. godine. U navedenom razdoblju rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz tri mandatna razdoblja: prvo 6.2.-18.12.1953, drugo 18.12.1953.-10.4.1958. te treće mandatno razdoblje 10.4.1958.-27.6.1963. godine. Istraživanje se prvenstveno temelji na analizi arhivskoga gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu te zakona, podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima (Narodne novine, Službeni list FNRJ). U prvom dijelu rada analiziraju se odredbe o postupku izbora Izvršnog vijeća te donosi pregled i popisi izabranih članova po mandatnim razdobljima. U nastavku rada naglasak je na definiranju poslova iz stručne nadležnosti, te pregledu organizacije i rekonstrukciji unutarnjeg ustroja Izvršnog vijeća (upravljanje Izvršnim vijećem, stručna tijela: odbori i komisije, administracija Izvršnog vijeća). U posljednjem poglavlju analiziraju se osnovna obilježja i rezultati rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju, s posebnim osvrtom na rad u sjednicama, pripremanje prijedloga zakona, te donošenje podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata iz njegove nadležnosti. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (1953-1963), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest i n its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. It was constituted by 15 to 30 members, elected from members of the Republican Chamber of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Three mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The first mandate from 6th February till 18th December 1953, the second mandate from 18th December 1953 till 10th April 1958 and the third mandate from 10th April 1958 till 27th June 1963. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. According to the provisions of Constitutional Law from 1953, it is defined which functions has the Executive Council taken over from the authority of the abrogated Government of the People's Republic of Croatia and Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Further analysis points that in period from 1953 to 1956 Executive Council was acting as executive-administrative body and from 1956 to 1963 primarily as executive-political body. In 1956, due to the reorganisation of the public administration, the majority of administrative functions until then under the jurisdiction of the Executive Council were transferred to the authority of the Republic's governing bodies. According to that, Executive Council acts primarily as executive-political body, under which authority is enforcement of general politics and measures, as well as adoption of acts and putting precise tasks to governing bodies for their accomplishment. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in three parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards and commissions) and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as education, science and culture. Less activity concerned the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to other administrative fields, first of all, system of justice and home affairs, health care system and social policy, as well as labour relations.

Predmet ovoga rada je proučavanje učestalosti samoubilačkog terorizma s obzirom na politička uređenja napadnutih država. Budući da su teroristički napadi uvijek udar na društvo i društveni poredak, područje nacionalne sigurnosti predstavlja svojevrsnu poveznicu između promatranih varijabli. Od početka 80-ih godina prošloga stoljeća kampanje samoubilačkih napada u stalnom su porastu, a vrhunac doživljavaju nakon 2001. godine. Napadi na Sjedinjene Američke Države 2001. označavaju i početak novog, globaliziranog načina djelovanja terorističkih organizacija. Mete samoubilačkih napada su države svih političkih sustava (autokracija, anokracija i demokracija), što znači da ne postoji obrazac djelovanja organizacija koje u svojim napadima koriste samoubilački terorizam, ali su anokratske države češća meta. Nadalje, rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su mete napada najčešće sigurnosne prirode te da su najviše napada izvele vjerske terorističke organizacije. Na kraju je prikazana kratka ilustracija zaključnih razmatranja na primjeru Iraka. ; The subject of this research paper is the connection between the occurrence of suicide attacks and the political system of the countries that are attacked. Since terror attacks represent an attack on the society and social order, national security represents a kind of connection between those two variables. Suicide attack campaigns are on the rise since the 1980s and they have reached their peak in 2001. That very well-known attack on the United States marks the beginning of a new kind of globalised activity of terrorist organizations. The results show that all countries, no matter their political system, are targets of suicide attacks, which means that there is no pattern in the activity of terrorist organizations that use suicide attacks. There is also a difference in the number of suicide attacks, where anocratic countries are attacked more often. Furthermore, the results show that the targets of most attacks, in all political systems, are security targets, and most of the attacks were carried out by religious terrorist organizations. Finally, we provide a brief illustration of the concluding remarks on the example of the Republic of Iraq.

Rad "Društveno-političke prilike u ivanićkom kraju između dva svjetska rata" u prvom redu nastojat će prikazati događaje koji su obilježili međuratno razdoblje u tri općine ivanićkog kraja (Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić, Križ). Uz demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj, posebna će se pažnja posvetiti okolnostima dinamičnih političkih zbivanja u tom kraju, koja su obilježila razdoblje od 1918. do 1941. godine. ; The area of municipalities Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić and Križ in the times of monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1918 to 1941), went through a period of transformation. This territory had a fairly diverse social and economic structure, in which there was industry, commerce and trade, along with agriculture and livestock farming. The entire area had a centuries-long tradition of education, for which there was relatively little illiterates. Moreover, the idea of linking citizens to achieve common economic and social interests was very strong among the population. After 1918 all adult male citizens of Yugoslavia got universal suffrage. Therefore the Croatian people hoped that their rights would expand even further, while the new state government wanted to build a unitary and centralized state. Citizens of Ivanić area started the struggle for the preservation of their democratic and national rights. One of the biggest and earliest armed resistances to the regime's ideas, known as the Kriæ Republic, proved in 1920 that people were not happy with the situation in their environment. Despite of proclamation of Yugoslav dictatorship, with time the authorities would find that the thoughts and actions of citizens are very difficult to control. The citizens themselves in almost absolute numbers sided with the ideas of Croatian Peasant Party and the concept of political struggle for democratic, social and economic rights of Croatian people in the monarchist Yugoslavia. Therefore, the attacks against ideas and symbols of the regime became an everyday reality. In the years following the assassination of King Alexander there was a limited democratization of the state. They were also marked by an increasing activity of the HSS. This all led to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. However, only a year and a half later, Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Croatian Banovina will disappear in a whirlwind of World War Two.

Using several sources that have not been referred to often in Croatian historiography, such as Ivo Frank's brochure A revízió és a Horvátság (Croats and the Revision), this paper analyses Frank's interwar positions on Croatian-Hungarian relations and the Treaty of Trianon, with the accompanying historiographical contextualisation. Using an analytical approach, an attempt was made to determine the reasons why Frank abandoned his originally anti-Hungarian political activity in favour of political cooperation with the Hungarians, and to present his vision of future Croatian-Hungarian relations within the frame of Central Europe. As a politician active in the period before the collapse of Austria-Hungary, Frank was a typical Frankist Rightist, even participating in the famous tearing down of the Hungarian flag near the Zagreb railway station in 1895. However, due to the changed geopolitical situation, and following experiences gained in Graz and Vienna, and later while living in Budapest, he made a tactical manoeuvre in the post-war years, attempting to achieve the goals he had set down earlier. He believed that the Croatian Question in monarchist Yugoslavia, as well as the long-term foreign policy of a potential independent Croatian state, could hardly be resolved without cooperation with Hungary, which he considered the central factor of the Central European political order, and this can be clearly seen in the brochure A revízió és a Horvátság. In addition to the sources and other relevant literature, the analysis presented in the paper is based on certain Hungarian interwar newspapers (Pester Lloyd and Pesti Napló) and periodical publications (Budapesti Szemle and Magyar Szemle), which were found by searching digitised materials. The addendum contains a complete translation of Frank's brochure from Hungarian to Croatian. ; U članku se na temelju nekoliko izvora koji su dosad slabije korišteni u hrvatskoj historiografiji, poput brošure Ive Franka A revízió és a Horvátság (Hrvati i revizija), iznosi analiza ...

Tema ovoga rada je politički interes kod studenata, odnosno kako i u kojoj mjeri studenti iskazuju interes za politiku i za političko djelovanje u bosanskohercegovačkom društvu. U tu svrhu provedeno je anketno istraživanje "Studenti i politika" u siječnju i veljači 2019. godine na uzorku od 371 studenta Sveučilišta u Mostaru i Univerziteta Džemal Bijedić u Mostaru. Dobiveni kvantitativni podaci prikazani su frekvencijama i postocima u domeni deskriptivnih statističkih postupaka i primjenom hi-kvadrat testa. Istraživanje je provedeno u okviru teorijskog pristupa Almonda i Verbe, pomoću tri dimenzije: odnos prema politici i to kao interes ljudi za politiku i informacije o političkim aktivnostima; zatim stavovi kojima izražavaju podršku različitim modelima demokratskoga političkog poretka; i, na kraju, vrednovanje političkih postignuća kao povjerenje ispitanika u institucije. Kvantitativnom analizom dobivenih rezultata navedenog istraživanja utvrđeno je kako studenti prate trend niskog interesa za politiku mladih u BiH, ali imaju i poseban demokratski potencijal.‎ ; The topic of this article is the political interest of students, ie how and to what‎ extent students express interest in politics, in political activity in Bosnian and‎ Herzegovinian society. For this purpose, a survey "Students and Politics" was‎ conducted in January and February 2019 on a sample of 371 students from the‎ University of Mostar and University of Džemal Bijedić in Mostar. The obtained‎ quantitative data are presented by frequencies and percentages in the domain‎ of descriptive statistical procedures and the application of the chi-square test.‎ Research was conducted within the theoretical approach of Almond and Verba expressed through three dimensions of attitudes towards politics, specifically‎ as people's interest in politics and information about political activities;‎ then as attitudes expressing support for different models of democratic political‎ order; and finally as valuing political achievements as respondents' trust in‎ institutions. The results achived from this research showed that students follow‎ low intrest in the politics of young people in BiH, but also have a special‎ democratic potential

Autor u radu na temelju dostupnih arhivskih izvora, tiska i relevantne literature analizira i rekonstruira odnos Franje Tuđmana i političara pravaške orijentacije iz pravaških stranaka. Osnovna je istraživačka hipoteza da je odnos između Tuđmana i Hrvatske stranke prava (HSP) kao stožerne pravaške stranke u hrvatskome političkom životu i stranačkom sustavu imao dvije razvojne faze. U prvoj fazi koja je trajala od 1990. do 1993. bila je nazočna radikalna kritika Tuđmana i njegove vlasti, koji je s druge strane također negativno gledao i osuđivao radikalnu politiku pravaškog vodstva, naročito ustašonostalgiju. Druga faza od 1993. do 1999. je ona nakon pravaškog raskola i promjene u vodstvu HSP-a pa sve do Tuđmanove smrti. Kritika HSP-a na račun Tuđmana je u toj fazi izostala, a sam Tuđman je prema HSP-u i novom vodstvu bio iznimno tolerantan. ; Based on the archive materials, press analysis and relevant literature review, the author reconstructs the relationship between Franjo Tuđman and far right political parties in Croatia. The main argument is that the relationship between Tuđman and HSP (leading far right party) had two phases of development. Throughout the first phase (1990-1993) there was radical critique directed towards Tuđman and his government. Tuđman on the other hand never approved of the fact that HSP was using Ustaše symbols and myths to gain popularity. The beginning of the second phase was marked by the change in HSP leadership. Throughout the second phase HSP was less critical about Tuđman and the state leadership. Tuđman on the other hand tolerated HSP and its political activity.

Članak nastoji prikazati polazišta za tumačenje transformacije humanitarnog rada i oprimjeriti prakse koje upućuju na njegovu profesionalizaciju i izgradnju bliskog odnosa s područjem političkog djelovanja. Zasnovan kao filantropijski projekt i imperativ o spašavanju života i/ili reduciranju patnje, u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća humanitarizam je formalizirao koncept pružanja pomoći i počeo se manifestirati u aspektima tipičnima za poslovnu i korporacijsku kulturu. Prakse profesionalizacije i odnos između dva pojma koji ostavljaju dojam suprotstavljenih varijanti shvaćanja humanitarnog rada – pomoć i posao – problematiziraju se na osnovi etnografije rada i analize intervjua provedenih s humanitarnim radnicima iz izbjegličkog kampa u Slavonskom Brodu. ; This paper will present the starting points for the interpretation of the transformation of humanitarian work, along with providing examples indicative of its professionalisation and the close relationship it has developed with the domain of political activity. Originally conceived as a philanthropic project and based around the imperative of saving lives and/or reducing suffering, humanitarianism has formalised the concept of providing aid in the past few decades and has begun to manifest aspects typical of corporate and business culture. The practice of professionalisation and the relationship between the two terms seemingly presenting contradictory attitudes towards humanitarian work – seeing it as either aid or business – are problematised on the basis of the ethnography of work and an analysis of the interviews conducted with humanitarian workers from the refugee camp in Slavonski Brod.

Tema ovoga rada je djelovanje Srpske demokratske stranke u razdoblju od konstituiranja prvog višestranačkog Sabora pa sve do početka srpske pobune u kolovozu 1990. Također, u radu se razmatra osnivanje stranačkih odbora i neuspješan pokušaj širenja u drugim republikama SFRJ te uloga vodstva i članova stranke u početku srpske pobune u Hrvatskoj. Rad je nastao na temelju dostupnih arhivskih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The topic of this paper is the activity of Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia from the establishment of the first multi-party Parliament to the outburst of Serbian rebellion in August 1990. The paper further tackles the establishment of party committees in other Yugoslav republics, as well as the role of leadership and party members at the beginning of Serbian rebellion. The work is based on available archive documents, testimonies and media outlets of party leaders. The secondary and tertiary sources have also been consulted, such as Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian and Herzegovinian media, as well as available monographs about circumstances current at that time. In the analyzed period, the party leader Jovan Rašković, who was present at most founding meetings in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina and Serbia, played a crucial role in the establishment of new Serbian Democratic Party committees. However, his dream of becoming party leader among Serbs at Yugoslav level completely failed. In this period, Serbian Democratic Party started institutionally taking over authority in several Croatian municipalities, as this was an essential precondition for deciding on joining the newly established Community. Serbian Democratic Party policy was geared towards the creation of illegitimate and parallel institutions, which tried to match their decisions with Croatian Parliament's legitimate decisions. It was furthermore in line with the destabilization of Croatia's internal affairs, since Serbian Democratic Party correctly assessed that this line would be the first line of defence of Croatia's constitutional order and sovereignty. Additionally, there was turmoil within the party leadership. Jovan Rašković survived the first attempt, initiated by some party leaders, to shift from the presidency. However, Milan Babić overtook, supported by Serbian state politics, the leadership initiative. Within the same party, a differentiation was present between the supporters of Communist and of Chetnik ideologies. Nevertheless, this process did not question their negative attitude toward the new political circumstances in Croatia. Serbian Democratic Party itself was undoubtedly the initiator and organizer of the rebellion of the Croatian Serbs, while the role of low-rank party members was carrying out armed action in the field. All this was evidently done with the political support of Serbia and Yugoslav National Army. Additionally, Serbian Democratic Party stepped out of the regulal political activity by destroying Croatian constitutional order, thus becoming a terrorist organization and the core of personnel in the upcoming Serbian aggression on Croatia.

Ovaj rad nudi interdisciplinarni pogled i promišljanje međusobnih veza i odnosa između glazbe, ljudskog života i svijeta. S namjerom da se predstave mogući načini definiranja glazbe, razmatraju se dva pristupa: »glazbanje« (»musicking«) i disjunktivna strategija razumijevanja glazbe, od kojih oba nude deskriptivni, no ne i vrednujući pogled. Nakon kratkog osvrta na glazbu kao sredstvo političke propagande ili sredstvo iz sfere masovne produkcije i konformizma, šire je predstavljeno drugo lice glazbe pomoću pojma »glazbe zajednice«, gdje težnja k nemogućem, kao bezuvjetna dobrodošlica, te beskonačna odgovornost prema drugome čine glazbu univerzalnom vježbom etičkih gestā, otvorenosti i prihvaćanja. ; This paper offers an interdisciplinary account and a reflection of the interconnections and relations among music, human life, and the world. With the intention to present the possible ways of defining music, two approaches are examined. These approaches are "musicking" and the disjunctive strategy of understanding music, both of which provide a descriptive and not an evaluative account. After a brief acknowledgement of music as a means for political propaganda, and as a means belonging to the sphere of mass production and conformism, the other side of music is to be presented mainly through the concept of "community music", where the unconditional welcome of striving towards the impossible and the infinite responsibility towards the other makes music universal exercise in ethical gestures, openness, and acceptance. ; Cet article propose une approche interdisciplinaire et une réflexion sur les interconnexions et les relations entre la musique, le monde humain et le monde. Dans l'intention de présenter les différentes manières possibles de définir la musique, deux approches seront examinées : l'activité musicale en tant que processus (« musicking ») et la stratégie disjonctive de compréhension de la musique. Ces deux approches privilégient l'explication descriptive et n'offrent pas de critères d'appréciations. Ainsi, après avoir brièvement déterminé la musique en tant que moyen politique de propagande ou en tant que sphère de production de masse et de conformisme, l'autre facette de la musique sera présentée plus largement à travers le concept de « musique communautaire », où l'aspiration vers l'impossible en tant qu'accueil inconditionnel et responsabilité infinie des uns envers les autres font de la musique une pratique universelle des gestes éthiques, d'ouverture et d'acceptation. ; Dieser Artikel bietet einen interdisziplinären Bericht und eine Kritik an der Verbundenheit und den Beziehungen zwischen musik, menschenleben und Welt. mit der Absicht, mögliche Wege der Definition von musik zu präsentieren, werden zwei Ansätze untersucht: das "musicking" (musikpraxis) und die disjunktive Strategie des musikverständnisses. Beide Ansätze bieten eine deskriptive und keine evaluative Sehweise. Nach einer kurzen Rückschau auf die musik als mittel der politischen Propaganda oder als mittel aus der Sphäre der massenproduktion und des Konformismus wurde die andere Seite der musik in einer umfassenderen Art und Weise durch den Begriff der "Gemeinschaftsmusik" präsentiert, wo das Streben nach dem Unmöglichen als bedingungsloses Willkommen und die unendliche Verantwortung gegenü ber dem anderen die musik zu einer universellen Übung der ethischen Gesten, Offenheit und Akzeptanz machen.

Ove se godine (2009.) slavi šezdeseta obljetnica postojanja i uspješnoga djelovanja Sjevernoatlantskoga saveza, poznatijega kao NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation). NATO je međunarodna vojno-politička organizacija koja je osnovana 4. travnja 1949. potpisivanjem Sjevernoatlantskoga ugovora (Washingtonski ugovor) između dvanaest zemalja zapadnoga bloka (Belgija, Danska, Francuska, Italija, Island, Kanada, Luxemburg, Nizozemska, Norveška, Portugal, SAD i Velika Britanija). Na stvaranje NATO-a utjecali su sljedeći čimbenici: razilaženje protuhitlerovske koalicije zbog suprotnih ciljeva, stvaranje zemalja "narodne demokracije" pod sovjetskom dominacijom, Marshallov plan gospodarske pomoći Sjedinjenih Američkih Država razrušenoj Europi koji je odbio Sovjetski Savez, Trumanova doktrina iz 1947. godine koja je označila veće angažiranje SAD-a, politika SSSR-a pod Staljinovim predsjedanjem i sve veće "prijetnje komunizma i socijalističkih zemalja". Sjevernoatlantski ugovor počiva na četrnaest članaka, a prema petomu članku "strane su suglasne da će se oružani napad na jednu ili više zemalja Saveza smatrati napadom na sve njih". Sjedište je NATO-a u Bruxellesu, službeni su jezici engleski i francuski, a aktualni glavni tajnik jest Anders Fogh Rasmmunsen. Savez funkcionira u skladu s načelima međuvladine suradnje, a odluke se donose pristankom svih zemalja članica (28 zemalja). Misija NATO-a u BiH od 1992. do 1995. godine bila je najopsežnija u povijesti Saveza. U njoj je zabilježeno i prvo oružano djelovanje ove organizacije. Danas je NATO ne samo vojna nego i politička organizacija. ; The sixtieth anniversary of existence and successful functioning of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, more famous as NATO is celebrated in this year (2009). NATO is international military-political organization established on April 4, 1949 by signing North Atlantic Treaty (Washington Treaty) between twelve countries of the Western block (Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Iceland, Canada, Luxemburg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, USA and Great Britain). Following factors influenced on establishment of NATO: separation of anti-Hitler coalition because of opposing goals, development of "national democracy" countries under Soviet domination, Marshall's plan of the USA help to demolished Europe, which was rejected by the Soviet Union, Truman's doctrine from 1947 which marked greater engagement of USA, politics of U.S.S.R. under Stalin's presiding and bigger "threats of communism and socialist countries". North Atlantic Treaty is based on fourteen articles, and according to the fifth article "the parties agreed that an armed attack against one or more of the organization members shall be considered as an attack against them all". The NATO headquarters are in Brussels, official languages are English and French and Anders Fogh Rasmmunsen is the current Secretary General. The alliance functions in accordance with the principles of intergovernmental cooperation and decisions are made by common consent of all members (28 countries). NATO mission in B&H from 1992 to 1995 was the most extensive in the history of Alliance. The first military action of this organization took place during this mission. Today NATO is not only military, but also political organization.

Jedna od najznačajnijih obitelji hrvatsko-ugarske povijesti jest porodica Gorjanski (Garai). Podrijetlom je iz nekadašnjega sela Dorozsme, koje se danas nalazi u sastavu Szegeda, trećega po veličini mađarskoga grada. Selo je ime dobilo po rodu Drušini(Drušbi) iz kojega potječu Gorjanski. Utemeljitelj obitelji je Ivan Gorjanski koji je 1269. od hercega Bele dobio grad i utvrdu Gorjani (Gara) u tadašnjoj Vukovskoj županiji. Gorjanski su tijekom dva stoljeća zauzimali visoke državne položaje u Hrvatskoj i Ugarskoj te su uz Karla Khuen-Hedervaryja (bio je predsjednik središnje vlade u Budimpešti 1903. i 1910.–1912. godine te hrvatski ban od 1883. do 1903.) bili najviše pozicionirani državnici iz Hrvatske. Naime, oni su u tri uzastopna naraštaja nosili najviši dvorski naslov palatina (1375.-1385., 1402.–1433., 1447.–1458.), a i u njihovoj drugoj, tzv. "banskoj" lozi imali su važnu ulogu kao hrvatski i slavonski, odnosno mačvanski banovi. Najvažniju ulogu u obitelji imao je Nikola Gorjanski mlađi, šurjak i najbliži suradnik kralja Sigismunda (Žigmunda) Luksemburgovca, koji je bio kraljev zamjenik za njegovih čestih izbivanja iz zemlje, a obavljao je i najdelikatnije diplomatske zadaće u Njemačkoj, Francuskoj i Engleskoj. Za to je nagrađen ne samo golemim posjedima, nego i Redom zmaja i Redom rupca. ; One of the most notable families in Croatian-Hungarian history is the Gorjanski (Garai) family. The family hails from Dorozsma village of old, which is part of present-day Szeged, the third largest city in Hungary. The village was named after the clan of Drušina (Drušba), from which the Gorjanski family draws its lineage. The progenitor of the family was Ivan Gorjanski, who received the Gorjani (Gara) town and fortress in the Vukovska County from Duke Bela in 1269. For two centuries members of the Gorjanski family held high level court positions in Croatia and Hungary and were, along with Karoly Khuen-Héderváry (the president of the central government in Budapest in 1903 and 1910-1912 and the Croatian ban from 1883 to 1903), the most notable political figures from Croatia. Namely, they held the highest court title of palatine (1375 – 1385, 1402 – 1433, 1447 – 1458) throughout three successive generations, while their other so-called "banal/Bánfi" branch also had an important role as Croatian and Slavonian bans, as well as bans of Macsó. The most significant figure of the family was Nikola Gorjanski Junior, brother-in-law and closest associate of King Sigismund of Luxembourg, who stood in for the King during his frequent travels. He also performed the most delicate diplomatic duties in Germany, France and England, for which he was rewarded not only with huge estates, but also the Order of the Dragon and Order of the Scarf.