Suchergebnisse

When an authoritarian country lacks opportunities for free political activity, the diaspora and its leaders often take on the role of the democratic opposition against the authoritarian government and act as a political force for democratization. Although political activity abroad is very challenging and limited per se, the example of the Belarusian diaspora and its leaders demonstrates that they can play the role of an internationally recognized political entity. The pro-democratic activity of the Belarusian diaspora focuses on three main areas: the continuation of resistance against the authoritarian regime, the advancement of political representation, and the development of a credible democratic alternative including a political program for a future democratic Belarus. Yet the Russian aggression against Ukraine has put Belarusian opposition abroad at the front of a dilemma as to whether they should also take on a clear nation-building in the new geopolitical context.

The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn't necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow's deeds.

The main purpose of the article is to present the evolution of legal regulations regarding national minorities in Ukraine, the structure of these minorities and the dynamics of demographic change. The authors analyzed the geographical distribution as well as the political, cultural and educational activity of the most numerous national minorities. They presented the main reasons for the increase or decrease in the size of the largest national groups. The political and legal foundations of minority activities, the specificity of the organization of their educational institutions, national-cultural associations and ethnic parties were analyzed. Particular attention was paid to the problematic provisions of the new Education Act (2017), which reduced the status of languages of national minorities in education and led to the deterioration of relations with individual countries with which minorities are associated. The authors discussed the most severe problems in bilateral relations arising from Ukraine's policy towards minorities and some ideas on how to solve them. The main methods of improving nationality policy in contemporary Ukraine were also presented.

The aim of the article is to present the tranformation of the function of the minister – coordinator of special services in Poland between 1997 and 2020. Espiecially the elements of civil democratic control and the examples of political influence towards special services are taken into consideration. It is very important to establish the institution that can provide suitable coordination in the specific area of the state security that can lead to the special services effectiveness. The analysis of the regulations connected with the minister-coordinator creation and activity shows rather the political involvment and influence towards special services activity than the positive aspects of impoving their coordination and cooperation for the state security and civil democratic control.

The article discusses the formation and development of a multi-party system in the Republic of Uzbekistan. The state and problems of the formation and development of a multiparty system are analyzed. The practice of consistent improvement of the national electoral legislation and a new level of election conduct is reflected. The process of democratic transformations is considered, which has an impact on the political parties of the country and is constantly deepening as the political and legal culture increases, the socio-political activity of the population increases. The author has put forward proposals and recommendations to activate the activities of political parties and strengthen the multi-party system.

The article focuses on the current state of civil society in the Czech Republic, referring primarily to social activity in the political sphere of this country. This is reflected, among other things, in the relatively low level of political participation. An important part of the deliberations are the numerous references to opinion polls and to the idea of the development of civil society and "non-political politics" formulated by Vaclav Havel. In general, the social political activity of Czech citizens is at a low level. On the one hand, this is a consequence of the systemic transformation after the fall of the communist system, and on the other hand, of a very low assessment of the political institutions functioning in this country (parliament, government, political parties). This, in turn, is a consequence of numerous scandals involving top-level politicians. The exception is the local level of politics, which clearly shows that the Czechs are nevertheless interested in politics, above all the politics that is closest to them and that they deal with every day. They express it, for example, in very numerous local referendums.

The aim of this article is to analyse the Polish authorities' policy towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, after the collapse of real socialism in Poland. The author gives an overview of the historical and sociopolitical situation of these minorities in Poland. The main point of consideration is the position and functioning of national and ethnic minorities on the basis of law, their political activity in parliamentary and local elections, as well as the attitude of leading Polish political parties towards the issues of national and ethnic minorities. National and ethnic minorities are, by definition, less numerous than the rest of the Polish population, but remain Polish citizens and at the same time are aware of their historical community. The article uses the following methods: descriptive and institutional-legal.

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation's public opinion about the USA.

One of the consequences of the influx of refugees and immigrants to the European continent is the rise of anti-immigration sentiments. These translate, among other things, into the emergence of anti-immigrant social movements. The subject of consideration will be their activity in our country. They have intensified due to the immigration crisis, which has been de facto unnoticeable in Poland so far. In contrast, now, when Poland is facing an unprecedented influx of refugees and immigrants from Ukraine, anti-immigrant movements are of marginal significance. The study will show anti-immigration movements in Poland from the pe rspective of selected theories from the social sciences. Then, the factors influencing the development of this type of social activity in Poland will be discussed. The last part will present the previous activity of anti-immigration movements in our country. The central hypothesis is based on the assumption that factors potentially conducive to developing anti-immigrant movements have emerged in Poland. They took the form of an influx of immigrants and refugees on a previously unprecedented scale and under the conditions of watershed moments, including the migration crisis in Europe, the COVID-19 pandemic, the immigration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border, the war in Ukraine and the deteriorating economic situation. On the other hand, a group of factors led by the political situation, which has so far effectively limited the growth of these movements on a broader scale, has emerged.

The article investigates framing of the presence of Ukrainian war refugees and Ukrainian immigrants in Poland in Polish public debate on the empirical basis of selected leading opinion forming weeklies. The action "Stop of Ukrainisation of Poland" launched by far right Konfederacja Korony Polskiej party is considered as an attempt to launch moral panic. The author examines the mainstream media reactions on this activity and concludes (also using results of public opinion surveys), that, so far, neither classic, nor polarizing moral panic has begun. The important part of the analysis is an overview of the visons of further co-existence of Poles and Ukrainians in Poland, as the competing postulates regarding to areas of social inclusion and exclusion are present in the analyzed material.

The article presents the thesis that the activity of the organs of local selfgovernment units is based on the constitutional principle of term of office. All cases of shortening or extending their term of office are constitutional matter. As exceptions to the term of office, they cannot be interpreted extensively. In the light of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, failure to conduct elections of local self-government units on time is an attempt to deprive the Nation of its sovereign rights as a supreme power in the state and exhausts the features of anti-democratic activities of state authorities. The work uses the dogmatic method. The legal provisions concerning the term of office of local government bodies' activities were analyzed. On this basis, the research problem of the constitutionality of extending the term of office of local government units during the term of office has been solved.

Mass immigration is one of the biggest challenge currently facing the European Union (EU). In retrospect, it can also be seen that it caused dissonance between the member states not only of the EU, but also of the V4 and revealed their lack of solidarity. The changes taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, which began in 1989, mainly included the internal and foreign policy of the four countries that make up the V4, i.e. the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary. 2015 is considered to be the beginning of the crisis, but the number of immigrants and refugees arriving in Europe has already increased. The aim of the article is to indicate the multifaceted activity of the V4 and the position towards migration. The key issue that needs to be answered will be the prospect of further activities of the V4 in the face of new threats such as the migration crisis. The article uses a comparative and systemic method.

The role and importance of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in solving global problems, developing human rights, democratic principles, reforms, modernizing public life and developing a global civil society is constantly increasing. INGOs have become new actors in the system of world politics and international relations. There was a need to study the activities of INGOs around the world in the field of history, law, sociology, philosophy, political science. In recent years, many INGOs have appeared in the world, and they work in all countries of the world in such priorities as ensuring human rights, freedom of speech, the economy, the social sphere, the environment, etc. Today, there is an increasing need for a comprehensive study of the activities of INGOs, trends in their increase in the number and rapid growth, influence on the domestic and foreign policies of states and in shaping the global political agenda. The emergence of global problems and the lack of strength and political will of some countries to solve them slow down the integration processes around the world. Especially, there is a need for cooperation in the issues of democratization, liberalization and modernization of public administration and public life. Therefore, today the role and participation of INGOs in solving such issues is increasing. An important result of INGO activity is constructivism and pragmatism.

The aim of the article was to analyze the ideology of the People's Party–Our Slovakia (Ľudová strana naše Slovensko, ĽSNS), established in 2009. The first part of the text discusses the definitions of political extremism and then presents this phenomenon in Slovakia in a historical perspective. The most important categories of topics discussed by ĽSNS in election programs and party rhetoric, as well as party activity to date were analyzed in detail: the nation, anti-Roma and anti-immigration attitudes, and distance towards the West.

An article presents selected theoretical and empirical aspects of functioning information in social and economical dimensions of contemporary democratic political systems. Quantitative and qualitative levels of analysis were highlighted. New developmental forms of the information society were the object of consideration. Some skills related to the use of information and communication technologies were presented. The labour market's situation in the digital economy was include in the analysis. Profession of the information broker was used as an empirical example of that situation. Lastly, a sequential model of information broker's activity was proposed.