Исследована проблема гендерного диспаритета в украинской политической деятельности и пути его преодоления ; Досліджено проблему гендерного диспаритету в українській політичній діяльності та шляхи його подолання. ; The article deals with a problem of gender ineguality within Ukrainian political activity and ways of its solution
The article is devoted to the results of the 14 September 2014 elections in the Republic of Altai. On that day the election of the Head of the Republican Administration, El Kurultai (the supreme legislative body) election and district and township councils elections were scheduled. The special feature of the Republic of Altai is a high percentage of young voters. At the same time young people are politically inert. Youth parliaments, youth organizations and political parties play a minor role in the political socialization of young people. But political parties are active in nominating young people candidates for the different levels of election. The LDPR, the Communists of Russia and the United Russia have had the largest number of young candidates. Despite the large number of young candidates, only few of them win the elections. During the election of the Head of the Republic it was Petrov who pointed out young people as the main resource of local administrative elite in his program. Thus, in the electoral period in question, only 907 people decided to run for the various elective offices. Among them there are only 237 young people. Two young men were elected to the Republic's Parliament (El Kurultai), 7 people were elected to local governments and one was elected head of the rural authority.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)2.1-46 ; 14 сентября 2014 г. в Республике Алтай прошли выборы в 20 различных органов власти (выборы Главы Республики, Эл Курултая, районные и поселковые). Особенностью Республики Алтай является то, что молодежь, будучи по численности значительным электоратом, политически неактивна. Незначительную роль в политической социализации молодежи играют молодежные парламенты, молодежные общественные организации, политические партии. Политические партии активно выдвигают молодежь в качестве кандидатов в разные уровни власти. Наибольшее количество молодых кандидатов насчитывают в своих рядах ЛДПР, «Коммунисты России», «Единая Россия». Несмотря на большое количество кандидатов из числа молодежи, побеждают на выборах единицы. На выборах Главы Республики только кандидат В. Петров в своей программе обратил внимание на молодежь как главный источник формирования местной управленческой элиты. В указанный электоральный период 907 человек пожелали баллотироваться на различные выборные должности. Среди них из числа молодежи выдвинулось 237 человек. Два молодых человека стали депутатами регионального парламента Эл Курултай, семь — депутатами представительных органов местного самоуправления и один выбран главой сельской администрации.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)2.1-46
The author comments on her own experiences as a committed feminist in two apparently different and even incompatible spheres, showing these are, necessarily, closely related. She has used both her academic and political backgrounds to shed a light on the persisting invisibility of women in our culture, despite their growing presence in political activities. Women are still not seen as individuals; not only men, but also some feminists tend to consider them as a homogenous group, with the same needs and desires. Thos text states that there is no justification for defending solutions for half of the human beings, since, apart from being a woman and sharing feminist convictions, they do not necessarily have anything in common. ; La autora comenta sus propias experiencias como feminista comprometida en dos esferas aparentemente diferentes e incompatibles, mostrando que, necesariamente, éstas se hallan estrechamente relacionadas. La autora ha empleado tanto su experiencia académica como personal para arrojar luz sobre la persistente invisibilidad de las mujeres en nuestra cultura, pese a su creciente presencia en las actividades políticas. Las mujeres siguen sin ser percibidas como individuos; no sólo los hombres sino también algunas feministas tienden a considerarlas un grupo homogéneo, con las mismas necesidades y deseos. Este texto sostiene que no hay justificación alguna que defienda soluciones para la mitad de los seres humanos, puesto que, aparte de ser mujer y de compartir convicciones feministas, no tienen por qué tener nada en común.
This article analyzes the process of formation of socio- political movement in the national regions of South Siberia. The methodological basis of the research is method of modernization ideas transit. The author highlights regional characteristics in the formation of the civil society on the basis of cross-regional comparisons. In 1988– 1989 in the Soviet Union, laws were adopted which were to regulate the activities of public organizations. It was the idea of transit for the development of similar processes in different regions of the country, including South Siberia. Despite the fact that modernization impulse (or idea) given by the central government, was equal to all regions, its implementation was of a different character. In Tuva, socio-political movement was not institutional, but had a spontaneous and national character. In Khakasia the development of civic organizations was associated with the development of the ethnic awareness and national identity of the people. The creative intelligentsia provided the maximum impact in this process. The democratization of the political process in the Altai Republic was the result of the activity of the population in the fight against the building of Katun hydroelectric.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)3.2-37 ; Анализируется процесс формирования общественно-политического движения в национальных регионах Южной Сибири. Методологической основой исследования являются методы транзита идей модернизации. Автор выделяет региональные особенности процесса формирования гражданского общества на основе кроссрегионального сравнительного анализа. В 1988–1989 гг. на союзном уровне была создана нормативно-правовая база для деятельности общественных организаций, что стало транзитивной идеей для развития аналогичных процессов в различных регионах страны, в том числе и Южной Сибири. Несмотря на то что, модернизационный импульс (или идея), заданный центральным правительством, был общим для всех регионов, его воплощение на практике носило различный характер. В Туве общественно-политическое движение было неинституализированным, стихийным, национально ориентированным. В Хакасии развитие общественных организаций связано со становлением этносознания и национальной идентификации народа, где главную роль играла творческая интеллигенция. В Горном Алтае демократизация политического процесса стала следствием активности населения в процессе борьбы против строительства Катунской ГЭС.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)3.2-37
During the last ten years, several studies that have examined the positive impact political Internet (PIU) and social network uses have on democracy suggest that these are a powerful tool that contributes to its quality and the empowerment of citizens. However, the results of these studies are mixed because they have taken into account only certain aspects of democracy such as: votes, social mobilization, and participation in protests. In addition, they focus mainly on developed societies. This article researches on the effects PIU and the political use of social networks from a new perspective: deliberation. By means of the data obtained from the survey Political Communication and Participation in Colombia 2012, it was possible to analyze the impact of these two tools on deliberative attitudes. The results suggest that they have a meaningful and positive impact on deliberation. ; En los últimos diez años una multiplicidad de estudios que han examinado el impacto positivo de los usos políticos de internet (political internet uses, PIU) y de las redes sociales en la democracia sugiere que estos son una poderosa herramienta que contribuye con la calidad de la democracia y el empoderamiento ciudadano. Sin embargo, los resultados que arrojan son mixtos y solo han analizado dimensiones de la democracia, como el voto, la movilización social y la participación en protestas, además de haberse concentrado en su mayoría en sociedades desarrolladas. En el presente artículo se investigan los efectos del PIU y el uso político de las redes sociales en una dimensión novedosa: la deliberación. Usando los datos de la encuesta comunicación y participación política en Colombia 2012, se analizó el impacto del PIU y de los usos políticos de las redes sociales en las actitudes deliberativas. Los resultados sugieren que el PIU y los usos políticos de las redes sociales tienen un impacto significativo y positivo en la deliberación. ; Nos últimos dez anos uma multiplicidade de estudos que têm examinado o impacto positivo dos usos políticos da internet (political internet uses, PIU) e das redes sociais na democracia sugere que estes são uma poderosa ferramenta que contribui com a qualidade da democracia e o empoderamento cidadão. Porém, os resultados que arrojam são mistos e só têm analisado dimensões da democracia, como o voto, a mobilização social e a participação em protestas, além do mais de ter-se concentrado na sua maioria em sociedades desenvolvidas. No presente artigo se investigam os efeitos do PIU e o uso político das redes sociais em uma dimensão novidadeira: a deliberação. Usando os dados da enquete comunicação e participação política na Colômbia em 2012, se analisou o impacto do PIU e dos usos políticos das redes sociais nas atitudes deliberativas. Os resultados sugerem que o PIU e os usos políticos das redes sociais têm um impacto significativo e positivo na deliberação.
El Paro Nacional del 21 del noviembre representó un punto de inflexión, tanto en las calles como en las redes. Esta investigación se propone comprender la composición de los grupos que participaron el primer día de la protesta desde Twitter, así como determinar los patrones de interacción en línea que tuvieron los usuarios de la plataforma digital. Por tanto, este artículo primero hace un breve repaso teórico sobre la relación política- internet. En el segundo apartado, explica el método escogido para la investigación: Análisis de Redes Sociales (ARS). En tercer lugar, expone el procedimiento de recolección de los datos. En el cuarto apartado, se expone la forma en la que se realizó el grafo. Enseguida, se analiza el gráfico de redes que se obtuvo. Finalmente, se concluye con una serie de reflexiones sobre las posibles interpretaciones políticas aplicadas al escenario colombiano. ; Colombia's National Strike on November 21 represents an inflection point, both on the streets and on social media. The purpose of this research is twofold: (i) it aims to understand the composition of the clusters that actively participated in Twitter conversations on the first day of the strike, and (ii) it also seeks to determine the online interaction patterns that took place on the same platform. First, this paper delivers a brief theoretical review of the politics-internet relationship. Second, it describes the methodology applied in this project: Network Analysis. Third, it outlines the data collection process. Fourth, it explains how the network graph was created. Lastly, it concludes with some considerations regarding the possible consequences of the National Strike-related Twitter activity for Colombian politics at large.
The article is devoted to main trends that were inherent in the Russian émigré community of Slovakia in 1938-1945. The author has tried to identify and analyze key socio-political problems, influencing upon the emigre environment. Special attention is paid to the journalistic heritage of G. Garin-Mikhailovsky, one of the iconic figures of the emigrant community in Slovakia of the period mentioned. ; В статье рассматриваются основные тенденции, присущие русскому эмигрантскому сообществу Словакии в 1938–1945 гг. Автор попытался выделить и проанализировать ключевые общественно-политические проблемы, влиявшие на настроения эмигрантской среды. Рассмотрено публицистическое наследие Г. Гарина-Михайловского, одной из знаковых фигур российской эмиграции в Словакии указаного периода. ; У статті розглядаються головні тенденції, котрі були притаманні російському емігрантському співтовариству Словаччини у 1938–1945 рр. Автор спробував виділити та проаналізувати ключові суспільно-політичні проблеми, що впливали на настрої емігрантського середовища. Розглянуто публіцистичну спадщину Г. Гаріна-Михайловського, однієї із знакових постатей російської емігрантської спільноти Словаччини зазначеного періоду.
This paper reviews corporate political activity (CPA) research articles published between 2004 and 2015 in different journals. A surprising finding is that a low number of articles have dealt with CPA in Latin American cases. To promote research on CPA in these contexts, a research program is presented with the following three-phase structure: basic questions, combination of topics and other subjects of interest. This agenda can outline a path for CPA research that not only supports practices with a contextualized administrative knowledge but also evidences the political actions of enterprises that can promote the control of wrongful corporate behaviors. ; Este artículo revisa investigaciones de la actividad política corporativa (CPA), publicadas entre 2004 y 2015 en diferentes journals. Un hallazgo sorprendente son las pocas investigaciones que se ocupan de la CPA en casos latinoamericanos. Para promover la investigación sobre la CPA en estos contextos se presenta un programa de investigación de tres fases: preguntas básicas, combinación de tópicos y otras temáticas de interés. Esta agenda puede trazar un camino para la investigación de la CPA que no solo apoye la práctica con conocimiento administrativo contextualizado sino que visibilice las acciones políticas de las empresas y desde ahí se propicie el control de comportamientos indebidos. ; Este artigo revisa pesquisas sobre a atividade política corporativa (APC) publicadas entre 2004 e 2015 em diferentes periódicos. Um achado surpreendente são as poucas pesquisas que tratam da APC nos contextos latino-americanos. Para promover a pesquisa sobre a APC nesses casos, apresenta-se um programa de pesquisa de três fases: perguntas básicas, combinação de tópicos e outras temáticas de interesse, o que pode estabelecer um caminho para a pesquisa da APC que não somente apoie a prática com conhecimento administrativo contextualizado, mas também que visibilize as ações políticas das empresas e, a partir disso, propicie o controle de comportamentos indevidos.
This paper reviews corporate political activity (CPA) research articles published between 2004 and 2015 in different journals. A surprising finding is that a low number of articles have dealt with CPA in Latin American cases. To promote research on CPA in these contexts, a research program is presented with the following three-phase structure: basic questions, combination of topics and other subjects of interest. This agenda can outline a path for CPA research that not only supports practices with a contextualized administrative knowledge but also evidences the political actions of enterprises that can promote the control of wrongful corporate behaviors. ; Este artículo revisa investigaciones de la actividad política corporativa (CPA), publicadas entre 2004 y 2015 en diferentes journals. Un hallazgo sorprendente son las pocas investigaciones que se ocupan de la CPA en casos latinoamericanos. Para promover la investigación sobre la CPA en estos contextos se presenta un programa de investigación de tres fases: preguntas básicas, combinación de tópicos y otras temáticas de interés. Esta agenda puede trazar un camino para la investigación de la CPA que no solo apoye la práctica con conocimiento administrativo contextualizado sino que visibilice las acciones políticas de las empresas y desde ahí se propicie el control de comportamientos indebidos. ; Este artigo revisa pesquisas sobre a atividade política corporativa (APC) publicadas entre 2004 e 2015 em diferentes periódicos. Um achado surpreendente são as poucas pesquisas que tratam da APC nos contextos latino-americanos. Para promover a pesquisa sobre a APC nesses casos, apresenta-se um programa de pesquisa de três fases: perguntas básicas, combinação de tópicos e outras temáticas de interesse, o que pode estabelecer um caminho para a pesquisa da APC que não somente apoie a prática com conhecimento administrativo contextualizado, mas também que visibilize as ações políticas das empresas e, a partir disso, propicie o controle de comportamentos indevidos.
A lo largo del siglo XV los confesores de los monarcas castellanos de la dinastía Trastámara, en general dominicos, habían acrecentado su influencia política. De allí que la actividad de fray Gracía de Loaysa en la corte de Carlos V a partir del año 1522, como confesor regio y luego como Presidente del Consejo de la Inquisición y del Consejo de Indias, si bien no resulta extraña, no deja de suscitar admiración, justamente a raíz de la importancia de los cargos que ocupó en la corte, habiendo sido con anterioridad Maestro General de su propia orden religiosa. El presente artículo tiene como objeto abordar el estudio de este influyente y versátil personaje político, de su ascendiente carrera en la Orden de Predicadores y de su desempeño gubernamental en la corte de Carlos V, sobre todo en colaboración con la facción castellana de dicha corte, liderada por el secretario Francisco de los Cobos, mientras se desempeño como confesor del emperador. Para ello nos valdremos de las crónicas de época, así como de una copiosa documentación reunida en los archivos españoles (Simancas y Nacional) y en los archivos de la Orden de Predicadores. ; Throughout the 15th century the confessors of the Castilian monarchs of the Trastámara dynasty, mostly Dominican friars had increased their political influence. Therefore the friar García de Loaysa's activity in the Court of Carlos V from the year 1522, as Royal Confessor and then as President of the Council of the Inquisition and of the Council of the Indies, although it's not strange, nonetheless arouse admiration, precisely as a result of the importance of the charges in the Court having been previously Master General of his own religious order. The present paper aims to address the study of this versatile and influential political personage, of his rising career in the Order of Preachers and their government performance in the Court of Carlos V, mostly in collaboration with the Spanish faction of the Court, led by Secretary Francisco de los Cobos, while he served as confessor of the Emperor. For this we will use of the Chronicles of the time, as well as copious documentation gathered in Spanish archives (Simancas and National) and in the archives of the Order of Preachers. ; Fil: Nieva, Guillermo René. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Salta; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Salta; Argentina
It analyses the methodological foundations and essence of political journalism as a social institution, as well as the interaction of politics and journalism. Based on an interdisciplinary study, the article gives an account of the peculiarities of the realization of political journalism in the world and in Azerbaijan, stating that political journalism performs informative, communicative, ideological, cultural, enlightening, organizational and recreational functions. It concludes by highlighting the power of the media to carry out democracy, in political decision-making and debates through the power of information. In other words, the power of the media is the power of political journalism, the unity of the media with political and economic power. It also points to the place and role of social media political science. Political media science is considered a new phenomenon in former Soviet republics. It is characterized as a phenomenon that encompasses systematic political theory, the science of modern comparative media, media, and politics. It is also believed that the political science of the media is related to the mediation of politics and the political processes of l to information.
В статье рассмотрены некоторые аспекты гражданской активности молодежи Тюменской области. В регионе сложилась ситуация, когда, с одной стороны, вовлеченность молодежи в социально одобряемые формы общественно-политической активности крайне низка. С другой стороны, для молодежи региона характерен крайне высокий уровень протестной готовности. ; In the article we can see some aspects of civic activity of young people in the Tyumen region. In the region there is a situation when on the one hand the involvement of young people in socially approved forms of social and political activity is very low. On other hand, for young people of region is characterized by an extremely high level of readiness of the objection.
