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Vols. 3-4 are loose-leaf. ; v. 1. Introduction. Federal cases.--v. 2. State cases.--v. 3. Case supplement.--v. 4. Instructions, appendix, index-digest, and cumulative supplement. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Political activity is a type of social activity displayed by citizens. Observations and research indicate that gender can be a factor which conditions its degree and forms. Apart from biological gen­der, which shapes the societal roles of women and men, additional factors that are supposedly respon­sible for their activities include elements of the system of beliefs (i.e. acknowledged political values, conviction that political activity has an importance, level of satisfaction with democracy as well as individualism and collectivism understood as an element of individual's mentality). The impact of those factors on degree of conventional political activities among women and men is the subject of surveys which were conducted in 2004, 2010, and 2014 on a group of 1048 students from Polish universities. The received results show that differences in political activity between surveyed men and women as well as varying determinants in both groups are slowly fading away. The most important predictors of women's political activity include: conviction of its significance in democracy and (dis)satisfaction with the way it functions.

企業對他們所處的環境以致更大社會環境的影響越來越引人注目,然而這一問題在學術界的研究依然有限。本論文研究企業政治活動,並嘗試豐富對企業政治活動決策及其影響的理解。 ; 在第一個研究當中,應用制度理論,我提出企業的創新會對企業的政治活動有增強作用。制度不僅是降低不確定性的系統,同樣也是被行為人權力所決定的結構,反映著行為人的利益。創新改變了利益及權力:創新者的利益被改變而權力得到增強。過去的制度不一定能反映了現在的利益和權力,所以創新帶來的改變可能會刺激企業嘗試對制度實施影響(在本文的研究中即企業政治活動),從而創立新的制度來加強或鞏固企業自身的利益。在另一方面,向新制度的轉變意味著放棄在舊制度下的既得利益。所以,我也提出假設:企業在技術網路中的地位會負面調節創新和企業政治活動之間的關係。 ; 第二個研究考察外國企業的政治活動。企業政治活動可能降低"外國劣勢"和外企遇到的制度矛盾。而且企業處於不同國家商務網路連接的節點上。這樣的位置使他們擁有更多的關於制度的瞭解,更少地被約束於本地制度,使他們更有能力進行制度創新。我提出這兩方面的影響會刺激外企在企業政治活動方面比本地企業更積極。 ; 企業選擇進行政治活動,一個自然而然的問題就是:這樣的活動對企業有沒有作用?第三個研究關於這一話題。關於企業政治活動對企業績效的影響,已有文獻中有著不同的解讀和發現。本文將企業政治活動看作是一個在非市場環境中的戰略:它的影響目標是沒有市場交易不產生收益的非市場環境,所以它並不能直接帶來利潤。然而企業政治活動可能為企業的市場行為創造優良環境,使企業能從市場戰略中獲得更多的利潤。所以,本文從交互作用的方面考察企業政治活動對於企業績效的影響,提出企業政治活動將加強創新和合併對企業績效的正面影響。 ; The influence that firms exert on their environment is relatively under-researched. In this thesis, I study a typical and perhaps the most recognized effort of firms to influence the environment – corporate political activity (CPA), trying to provide insights on the knowledge of CPA choice and its effectiveness. ; In the first essay, applying institutional perspective, I suggest that a firm's innovation is positively related to its engagement in CPA. Institutions are not only the systems that prevent uncertainty, but also the structures decided by the bargaining power of actors and which reflect the interests of the actors. Innovation changes interest and power - the foundations behind institutions, therefore, may encourage institutional work for new institutions - in this study CPA for public policies. On the other hand, changing to new institutions would imply dropping the vested interest in old institutions. So, the greater the vested interest of a firm in old institutions, the less likely it is that it will engage in CPA after innovation. Thus, I also hypothesize that a firm's centrality in the technology network will negatively moderate the relationship between its innovation and involvement in political activities. ; The second essay investigates how being foreign may ...

First published under title: The Cincinnati plan of citizen organization for political activity. ; On cover: The Cincinnati plan. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Activists are the engines of social movements. What spurs their activism? This article scrutinizes the role of civic participation in stimulating political action. We examine how the type of voluntary organization, scope of involvement and intensity of activity relate to political activity. Contrary to existing studies that collapse noninstitutional political activities into a single measure, we differentiate collective activities from individualized activities, enabling us to investigate how the type, intensity and scope of civic participation differentially stimulate political activities. Our sample included 14,787 participants in 71 street demonstrations. We show that membership and interest in activist organizations stimulates political activity, especially for those actively involved and especially for collective noninstitutionalized activities, while membership in leisure organizations only stimulates individualized political activities, but not collective activities. We therefore conclude that civic participation is a multifaceted phenomenon associated with various political activities in different ways.

A brief overview is provided of how American fans have used Captain America in their political activity, and the implications of their political appropriation are explored.

"Rev. December, 2005." ; Caption title ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Printed December, 2003"--P. [1]. ; Shipping list no.: 2004-0133-P. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Printed March 1998"--P. [1]. ; Shipping list no.: 98-0249-P. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Strengthening the idea of national ideology in the period of radical social changes in the country is inextricably linked with the process of national identity of the Uzbek people, national identity, the growth of political culture - a progressive phenomenon, an important achievement of national independence. At present, the socio-economic essence of the Uzbek people's development, its spiritual activity has become a key factor in the search for ways of national awakening, development and improvement of national identity, which will become a powerful force only if they know and understand the history, culture and spirituality.

Formerly Advisory no. 4 ; This Advisory was superseded by Advisory 11-1: Public Employee Political Activity (issued March 18, 2011).

Introduction. This paper presents a hierarchical model of socio-political activity of contemporary youth based on the system-diachronic approach. The author developed and tested a new diagnostic tool for measuring the degree of activity, intentionality, and destructiveness in subjects of social, public, and political life – a questionnaire on young people's socio-political activity. Methods. The study employed qualitative and quantitative data collection methods, standardized questionnaires, and inventories. The data collected were processed using content analysis and secondary mathematical and statistical analysis. Results. Age, income, education level, professional activity, patriotic consciousness, absence of political infantilism, absence of achievement and power motivations, satisfaction with living conditions, dissatisfaction with leisure sphere and partner relationships, and focusing on emotions together determine the transition from socio-political passivity to socio-political activity. The transition from a destructive form of socio-political activity to a constructive one is determined by dominance of values of individualism and individualistic orientation, consumption in leisure, low confidence in authorities, high power motivation, absence of affiliation motivation, high satisfaction with education and professional activity, emotional stress caused by living conditions and social climate, and certain behavioral strategies, including repression, suppression, and use of sedatives. The transition from an unintentional socio-political activity to an intentional one is associated with reflection, socio-political competence, political socialization, high achievement and power motivations, dissatisfaction with leisure sphere and professional activity in the absence of emotional stress caused by living conditions, and a high propensity to plan. Discussion. Various combinations of determinants form the types of subjects of socio-political activity who are characterized by different correlations among the ...

This article builds a conceptual framework to help explain the political behavior of multinational corporations (MNCs). I build on three streams of literature, i.e. heterogenous firms, global value chains, and governance, and provide an overarching framework to help understand firms' political activities undertaken across value chain networks. I put forward a model that outlines MNCs' coordination of political mobilization using their affiliates and subsidiaries in different jurisdictions and demonstrate models of governance they have at their disposal to reach political goals. I argue that the spread of global value chains allows firms to develop legal links with enterprises across borders through which they orchestrate political activity or delegate policy goals. The degree of flexibility between MNCs and associated firms determine the model of governance they undertake with corporations in their network. They engage in such costly coordination either to obtain legal standing in foreign jurisdictions or to cultivate a sort of critical mass that goes after a policy objective. I demonstrate the plausibility of my propositions with anecdotal evidence and identify future lines of research.

Since de advent of what is known as new constitucionalism, jurists have faced a difficult task in order to overcome some failures of normative positivism. In this context, the judiciary has played a renewed role, which can be justified on grounds of legal theory and on institutional reasons. However, this new role has led legal philosophers to several concerns, such as the relationship between law and ethics. On one hand, Critical Legal Studies points out that the judge always acts informed by his own convictions. On the other hand, according to R. Forst (within another context, but also relevant here), this is not really a problem, because a rule can be provided with ethics, but not ethically justified. This openness of law to moral makes it difficult for the interpretative judicial discourse to be taken as claimed by K. Günther: as a discourse of application only, and not of justification. All these controversies, however, lead to a common statement: the constitutional adjudication has been exercising a different activity. Some legal systems allows such activity legitimacy in some extent, like Brazilian's, for example, which i) states a very broad adjudication, ii) provides an extensive catalog of basic rights, and iii) contains several procedural mechanisms for their protection. This empowers the adjudication to exercise what can be called a political activity. Therefore, a series of moral issues which were once exclusive to the political arena have been brought to the judiciary, such as: gay marriage, abortion, affirmative action, religious freedom, federation, separation of powers, distribution of scarce resources. In a democracy, these moral questions ought to be mainly decided through deliberation outside the judiciary, but not always this is what happens. The paper discusses these issues, showing also how the Brazilian Supreme Court has dealt - technically, or not - with this relationship between law and justice in a complex and pluralist society.

This dissertation examined the notion of teacher as an agent of social change. The participants were feminist, university teachers. The study is important because it explored schools as political sites where teaching and learning are understood in terms of democratic citizenship and social justice. The theoretical base for the research was neo-marxist theory drawing specifically on the concept of teacher as "transformative intellectual". The case study strategy, following an ethnographic model, was the qualitative research method employed. Symbolic interactionism was the theoretical orientation of the methodology. It was selected because of its consistency with the perspective that meaning is socially constructed which was an assumption of the study. Data analysis took the form of the constant comparative method. Two notions of validity that guided the study were the mutual development of self-consciousness by inquirer and respondents, and the creation of a dialogical ethnographic text which avoids violation of the participants realities. The findings of the study suggest that the notion of transformative intellectual may rely too heavily on abstract, and highly rationalistic, constructions of "experience", "empowerment" and "dialogue" as transformative strategies. Moreover, the study underscores a need to attend to the transformative intellectual as complicit in the production, and legitimation, of certain kinds of knowledges, in the context of pedagogy as an "interactive productivity". Additionally, "transformative" may not refer to a state, or characteristic, of an individual teacher but rather to a relationship between individuals in a group. Finally, the study points to the immense difficulties posed by the university institution to the work of the would-be transformative intellectual. Further research may be needed to explore individual and group efforts to overcome those difficulties faced by the teacher as an agent of social change. ; Ed. D.