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本研究發現一個地區的經濟發展水平與當地居民對中央政府的信任程度負相關。 ; 本研究包括定量和定性兩個部份。定量部份,普通最小二乘線性回歸(OLS)分析和雙層回歸分析的結果顯示:區域經濟發展水平與人們對中央政府的信任存在顯著的負相關關係。控制了個人因素變量,上述相關關係仍然顯著。定性分析部份討論了傳統文化與信息流通在發達地區和欠發達地區如何影響政府信任。這部份分析發現文化因素和信息因素是導致某一地區的民眾比另一地區民眾更不相信中央政府的重要因素,但必須與經濟發展因素相結合才能發揮顯著作用。文化與信息受當地的經濟發展水平影響:一個地區的經濟發展水平越高,傳統文化的影響力越弱,信息化程度越高;反之,經濟發展水平越低,傳統文化的影響力越強,信息化程度越低。定量分析與定性分析都支持研究假設。 ; 把上述靜態觀察納入動態視角,從長遠看,區域經濟發展將削弱公眾對中央政府的信任。具體來說,假定目前的局勢延續,隨著中國越來越多的地區經濟得到發展,當地民眾對中央政府的信任會相應降低。據此推測,中國人的政府信任可能會經歷一個由"中央高、地方低再變為"中央低、地方更低的過程。 ; This research shows that the level of economic development in a region has a negative correlation with local residents' trust in the central government. ; This study draws on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. In the quantitative section, both OLS regression and hierarchical linear modeling show that the level of regional economic development has a significant negative correlation with public trust in the central government, controlling for individual factors. Qualitative analysis suggests that traditional culture and the flow of political information affect people's trust in government when they interact with economic development. In places where economy is underdeveloped, traditional culture has a larger impact and the flow of political information is less free. By contrast, in places where economy is more developed, traditional culture has a weaker effect and the flow of political information is freer. ; Putting the finding of the cross-sectional analysis into a dynamic perspective, it is suggested that the development of local economy may in the long run weaken local residents' trust in the central government. More specifically, assuming that the present situation continues, as more and more regions experience economic growth, local residents may develop weaker confidence in the central government. The pattern of trust in government may then evolve from the current "high trust in the central government and lower trust in local government into "low trust in the central government and even lower trust in local government. ...

Ho Man-sze. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of Tables ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 ; Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 ; Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 ; Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 ; Research Questions --- p.8 ; Significance of the Study --- p.10 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 ; Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 ; Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 ; The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 ; The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 ; Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 ; The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 ; Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 ; A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 ; Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 ; The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 ; Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 ; Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 ; Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 ; Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 ; "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 ; Summary --- p.81

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例,分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为,征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说,研究有三个主要观点:第一,相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地,商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中,抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二,上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段:首先,抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来,并对中央保持着高水平的信任;接着,多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息,包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视;最后,失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三,对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出,这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 ; Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center's capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; 劉靜平. ; Parallel title from English ...

學者研究中國上古時期政治思想,往往以漢武帝以後的儒家思想作為國家權力正當性的基礎,但是此理論的缺憾是,如果只以儒家思想作為國家意識形態的標誌,就難以解釋西漢武帝以前的國家權力正當性是如何運作的。其實早在作為中國最早期實行帝制的秦王朝,已憑著統一的法律標準與有利於專制王權實行管治的官僚機構,確立國家專制權力的基本模式。 ; 本文試圖從儒法之爭的框架跳出來,從法律思想的角度,考察先秦至秦代的法律觀念、法律與國家官僚機構的關係及法律原則與「國家意識形態」的關係等議題。為了更貼近自秦至秦知識分子的「生活世界」,本文採用回到文本本身的研究方法,找出反映儒、道、法各家思想特徵的文本及其中的思想如何互相對話與融合,並從中探討戰國中後期至秦的知識分子與國家官僚對法律與政治觀念的表達,及其中的政治關懷。 ; 本文將從法律思想與國家意識形態的角度,更緊密地考察法律觀念背後反映的政治權力意識,從先秦至秦「刑」、「法」的觀念與實踐的起源、秦國家法律標準、秦法律原則與官僚政治道德的關係三方面探討秦代國家專制權力的正當性基礎。 ; Conventional studies on Ancient Chinese political thoughts consider Confusianism as the basis for legitimising the ruling of the state. However, this theory fails at explaining the period before Han Wudi(漢武帝) officially proclaimed the supreme status of Confusianism. As early as Qin Dynasty(秦朝), the state has established a centralised authoritarian government through its standardised legal practice and complex bureaucratic system. ; Therefore, this study avoids the orthodoxy in explaining political thoughts with the struggle between Confucianism and Legalism and investigates the relationship of laws and the bureaucratic system as well as that of legal principals and state ideology in pre-Qin and Qin period. By scrutinising the contemporary thoughts through careful textual analysis, this study expounds the encountering of Confusianism, Daoism, and Legalism and also their synthesis. Upon this, it moves on further to examine how the literati and the bureaucrats in later Warring-States period(戰國時代) to Qin Dynasty delineated laws, political beliefs, and the political concerns therein. ; From the perspective of state ideology, this study aims at analysing the conception of political power as reflected by the legal thoughts in three dimensions: 1) the origin and practice of "xing"(刑) and "fa"(法) in Pre-Qin and Qin period; 2) the historical image and the relationship between legal standard and state ideology as embodied in the reform of Shang Yang(商鞅變法) in the Qin state(秦國); and 3) the legal principles and the political morality of the state bureaucrats in the later ...

So Ming Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vii ; List of Table and figures --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and ...

本文主要研究十九世紀末二十世紀初的一種傳統民間藝術--年畫。這短短的幾十年見證了在中國發生的一系列翻天覆地的社會政治變化:清政府的垮臺,外國勢力的入侵,以及西方先進技術與思想的引入;這些變化我們都可以在這一時期的年畫中找到。本文的地點範圍主要集中于天津楊柳青,另外其他中國北方的年畫產地的年畫,如武強、楊家埠,以及江蘇的桃花塢等,也會在文章因行文需要而被提到。總的來說,本文分為三個大部份,也就是年畫的生產、內容和消費。我認為這些新內容之所以在年畫中出現主要有三個原因:首先,西方先進印刷技術和新的繪畫風格的引入讓年畫內容的轉變有了可能性;其次一些維新人士創辦的畫報和報刊也對年畫的發展產生了影響;最後便是民初時期民國政府採取的對年畫的干涉。本文將這些在年畫中出現的新的主題進行了詳細的探討。一方面,我們可以發現反帝和其他愛國的內容被放入年畫,以此激發百姓的愛國情緒。與傳統年畫主要關注家庭這一點不同的是,改良年畫的重心放在了保衛國家這個更高的主題上。另一方面,在這類年畫中,婦女不再被認為是男人的附屬品,它們鼓勵婦女實現經濟和人格上的獨立,並且有必要的話,也可以成為士兵,加入到保家衛國的行列中。最後一方面,西方先進事物的引入,如鐘錶、自行車、火車和飛機等,為大眾引領了一種新的物質文化,也在不知不覺中改變中百姓的日常生活習慣。作為結論,我提出改良年畫是大眾文化和精英文化互動產生的結果。它們大多數都是在民國政府的提倡之下而生產的,但是年畫的商業本質決定了它需要有一定的市場以保證盈利。這樣,傳統年畫的形式被保留了下來,同時改革家和當權者為其填入了新的思想和觀念,用來教育廣大百姓。這種"舊瓶裝新酒的宣傳方式雖然效果在清末民初效果不佳,但是它卻在某種程度上為中國作為一個現代國家的出現奠定了基礎。 ; This research examines nianhua年畫 (New Year pictures), a form of traditional folk art, from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. This time period witnessed a series of dramatic social and political changes in China: the collapse of Qing Dynasty, invasions of foreign powers, and introduction of Western advanced technologies and ideas, all of which could be found in nianhua prints. The spatial focus is mainly on Yangliuqing楊柳青, a town very close to Tianjin. However, nianhua produced in other places in North China, such as Wuqiang武強 and Yangjiabu楊家埠, and those from Taohuawu桃花塢 in the Yangzi River Delta, will also be mentioned, for some of them are of great use in my writings. Generally, this study has three sections: the production and circulation of nianhua in Yangliuqing, the contents of nianhua with new elements, and how common people reacted to the reformed nianhua. I demonstrate that the import of Western advanced printing technologies and painting styles, pictorials and vernacular newspapers published by social reformers, and the involvement of Republican government were the major reasons for the appearance of new elements in nianhua. Then the new themes in nianhua are discussed in details. First of all, anti-imperialist and other patriotic topics are ...

本文是關於泰國導演阿比查邦·魏拉希沙可在2000 年至2010 年間作品的整體性研究,包括電影、短片和錄影裝置等不同形式。我們將討論阿比查邦的現代主義電影風格如何回應當下泰國的社會政治現實和歷史處境,並產生其文化政治效應。同時,我們也試圖借此重申和強調電影的美學研究在把握作品形式與外在歷史社會條件上的融貫性和理論重要性,尤其是在以時間為現代思想和經驗的內在線索這點上。 ; 首先我們將阿比查邦置於世界電影史和泰國電影史交匯的座標之下,然後從個三方面考察他如何將泰國的"非同步"、複調節奏的社會現實納入對"非順時性時間"探索(與戰後現代主義電影的譜系一致)的美學風格中。第一個方面,是他在早期作品中關於"講故事"形式的實驗,據此他發展出一種新的敘事性,打破傳統敘事中統一的"敘述時間",而替代以一種"居中性"的"時差"效應;同時發展出對分離的聲畫關係的各種新嘗試。第二個方面,是他中期作品中對感性經驗的重塑,包括引入異質化多元的時延、非個人知覺和情感模式。第三個方面,是貫穿電影長片和錄影裝置作品的"分叉"結構(或二分結構)。通過這一結構,他引入對時間性三維(過去現在未來)的靜態綜合和重新分配,即,將編年歷史的順時時間內攝於各種元素差異與重複建立起的超歷史(或非歷史)的時間分化;無論是過去還是當下的事件,都被體驗為一種對先在的純粹的事件如同儀式一般的召喚。這正是阿比查邦式的非歷史性的時間觀念和神話式敘述機制。同時,每一個方面都包含了阿比查邦在相應的作品中處理回應的泰國社會現實問題,將在論文中詳細展開。 ; This dissertation has three ambitions. The first is to provide an interpretation of the works by Apichatpong Weerasethakul in the 2000s as an auteur study, including feature films, experimental shorts, and video installations, which requires a new vision for film criticism for the compelling mode of filmmaking practice. The second is to discuss the social-political function of the modernist cinema in a contemporary society with specific historical trajectory of modernity, by investigating how Apichatpong's works relate/respond to Thai historical-social-politic circumstance. The third is to make an argument for the theoretical importance of aesthetics study of cinema in the light of the concern for time that is intrinsic to both thought and being and underlies modern experience. ; By locating Apichatpong in the junction of global and local cinema with historical contextualization, this study will unfold around how Apichatpong registers the polyrhythm of the "non-synchronicity" of contemporary Thai reality on his artistic innovative of the non-chronological temporality in three main parts. The first is the "storytelling device" which creates a new narrativity by transforming the "diegetic time" into a pure "time-lag" or "in-between" with an experiment of the disparity of sound and image. The second is a reconfiguration of the sensible, which consists of heterogeneity of ...

Analysing political discourse from a systemic functional perspective: an overview -- Approaching political discourse from above (contextual parameters). Contextual analysis of politics discourse -- Registerial analysis of political discourse -- Approaching political discourse from around (discourse semantic parameters). Semantic discourse analysis of political discourse -- Appraisal analysis of political discourse -- Approaching political discourse from below (lexicogrammatical parameters). Self-identity and personal references in political discourse -- Power, institutional role and modality in political discourse -- Evidentality and subjectivity, and mental process in political discourse.

Chan Chi Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of figures --- p.vii ; Forward --- p.viii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 ; Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 ; Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 ; Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 ; Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 ; Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 ; Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 ; Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 ; Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 ; Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 ; Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 ; Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 ; Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 ; Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 ; Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 ; Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 ; Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 ; Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 ; Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 ; Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong ...

于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...

本书从世界全局、各大国以及中国三个视角,从经济、政治、军事、外交等方面阐明石油对国家安全的制约,说明新世纪石油对国家安全的挑战等。