Suchergebnisse

by Chan Wai Yin. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-171). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.iii ; List of tables --- p.viii ; List of abbreviations --- p.ix ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Research Case --- p.2 ; The Puzzle --- p.4 ; Methodology --- p.6 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.8 ; Chapter 2 --- Intergenerational Non-investment-inducing Public Goods and the State --- p.11 ; National and Cultural pride as an Intergenerational Non-investment- inducing Public Good --- p.11 ; The Nature of the State --- p.19 ; Good State --- p.20 ; """Neutral"" State" --- p.22 ; Bad State --- p.24 ; Chapter 3 --- China as an Entrepreneurial State --- p.33 ; State Administration in China --- p.33 ; Central-local Fiscal Relations from a Historical Perspective --- p.41 ; Fragmented State Perspective --- p.45 ; Entrepreneurial State Perspective --- p.47 ; Public Choice's Critiques --- p.58 ; China as an Entrepreneurial State: Revised --- p.66 ; Chapter 4 --- Archaeological Protection in China --- p.68 ; Archaeological Protection in Democratic Countries --- p.68 ; National Laws and Regulations of Archaeological Protection in China --- p.75 ; Difficulties Encountered in Archaeological Protection --- p.87 ; Chapter 5 --- Preservation of the Relics of the Nanyue Kingdom in Guangzhou --- p.94 ; The City of Guangzhou --- p.94 ; Regulations on the Protection of the Cultural Relics in the Guangdong Province and Guangzhou --- p.96 ; Archaeological Protection in Guangzhou --- p.99 ; The Preservation of the Royal Relics of the Nanyue Kingdom --- p.101 ; Chapter 6 --- The Political Logic of Preserving Cultural Legacy --- p.118 ; Identifying the Individual Actor: Mayors of Guangzhou --- p.119 ; Chinese Officials as a Political Actor --- p.121 ; Establishing a Modern Civil Service --- p.122 ; A Performance-based Civil Service --- p.126 ; The Political Logic of Preservation of Cultural Legacy in Guangzhou --- p.133 ...

Liang, Yue. ; "November 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.i ; INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- "The Appearance of the ""Robust Beauty Girl"" in the late 1920s" --- p.9 ; "The Infatuation with the ""Western Beauty""" --- p.10 ; "The Western ""Robust Beauty Girl:"" Hollywood Film Stars" --- p.13 ; "The Chinese ""Robust Beauty Girl:"" Female Students" --- p.19 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- "The Reconstruction of the western ""Robust Beauty"" in the 1930s-40s" --- p.27 ; "The Suspicion on the Western ""Robust Beauty""" --- p.29 ; "The Reconstruction of the western ""Robust Beauty"": critique on the ""Modern Girl""" --- p.37 ; "The Kuomintang's Response to the western ""Robust Beauty""" --- p.52 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- The Construction of the Chinese Womanhood in the War Period --- p.70 ; The Communist Womanhood in the Jiangxi Period --- p.72 ; The Women's Steering Committee and the Wartime Womanhood --- p.80 ; The New Outlook of the Communist Womanhood in the Yan'an Period --- p.91 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- "The National Communist Womanhood: the ""Iron Maiden"" in the 1960s-70s" --- p.107 ; "National Model: Two Categories of the ""Iron Maiden""" --- p.109 ; From Person to the Nation: Organization Form and Political Consciousness --- p.114 ; CONCLUSION --- p.126 ; APPENDIX --- p.132 ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.139

by Ngan Nga Wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-236). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.iv ; List of Tables --- p.xi ; List of Figures --- p.xiii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.xiv ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Background --- p.1 ; Context of the Study --- p.2 ; Ethnic Chinese and Their Business --- p.2 ; Ethnic Chinese and Homeward Investment --- p.4 ; Guanxi and the Contemporary Socialist China --- p.5 ; The Notion of Guanxi and Instrumental Relationships --- p.7 ; Area of Study --- p.10 ; Physical Environment of Fuj ian Province --- p.10 ; Economic Development Since 1949 --- p.10 ; "Reasons of Selecting Jinjiang, Fujian " --- p.11 ; Objectives of the Study --- p.12 ; A Brief of the Thesis --- p.13 ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES --- p.14 ; Introduction --- p.14 ; Research Designs And Methods --- p.15 ; Choice of the Method-Qualitative Method --- p.15 ; Data Collection From Human Resources --- p.20 ; Purposive and Emergent Sampling --- p.21 ; Data Collection in the Field --- p.22 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.23 ; Group Interviews --- p.26 ; Participant Observation --- p.28 ; Secondary Data in the Field --- p.29 ; Some Critical Reflection in the Field --- p.30 ; Data Collection From Non-human Resources --- p.32 ; Inductive Data Analysis --- p.33 ; Categorization --- p.33 ; Triangulation --- p.34 ; Network Analysis --- p.35 ; Case Reporting --- p.36 ; Tape Recording --- p.37 ; Verbatim --- p.38 ; Narrative --- p.38 ; Validity And The Issue Of Subjectivity --- p.39 ; Summary --- p.41 ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- ETHNIC CHINESE AND THEIR BUSINESS CULTURE --- p.42 ; Introduction --- p.42 ; Economic Success of Ethnic Chinese --- p.43 ; Hostile Business Environments --- p.45 ; Political Environment --- p.45 ; Restriction of the Scope of Economic Activities --- p.47 ; Restriction on Capital Participation of Ethnic Chinese --- p.49 ...

電視模式(TV formats)在全球的跨文化旅行,及其如何本土化以適應在地社會政經情境,成為值得學界關注和研究的主題。作為對這一主題的回應,本文致力於研究《醜女無敵》電視劇--"醜女貝蒂"模式在中國的本土化。借由對該劇文本、生產和觀眾解讀的綜合分析,本研究從宏觀上探索符號形式與中國社會變遷的關係。具體而言,研究者聚焦於以下研究問題:在當前電視模式貿易、克隆和本土化的背景下,中國電視劇《醜女無敵》與美國電視劇《醜女貝蒂》有何異同?在中華人民共和國這一特定社會情境下,《醜女無敵》受到了怎樣的政治、經濟限制?中國觀眾如何解讀《醜女無敵》電視劇?《醜女無敵》受歡迎的原因所在,及該劇表徵了怎樣的中國現代性? ; 為回答以上問題,研究者採用了多種定質方法,即文本分析、民族志、焦點小組、檔案分析和深度訪談。其研究發現《醜女無敵》作為混雜性文本,兼有西方現代性元素和獨特的中國性。《醜女無敵》的生產受到了中國政經情境的極大限制。經濟力量有中心主導、系統地控制著生產過程。而政治力量的控制卻是散漫於整個生產者社群,并呈現去中心的狀態。中國觀眾在解讀《醜女無敵》時主要有两種模式:霸權式解讀与協商式解讀。而对抗式解读却在该剧的解读模式中呈现缺失状态。持有霸權式解讀的觀眾作為主流在諸多方面與權力中心一致,從而形成霸權效應。 ; 《醜女無敵》可歸類為本研究所析霸權文本,并表徵和複製了一種中國現代(Chinese modernity)。轄制於党國,中國現代性在其三大結構性維度上都呈現高度的混雜性。就中國電視業發展趨勢而言,研究者認為全球電視模式在中國將愈加繁榮,因其有極大潛質成為霸權文本,繼而服務于權力中心。 ; With the increasing transcultural flow of television formats, the localization of these formats to fit various socio-political contexts is worthy of academic scrutiny. This is a case study on the TV drama Ugly Wudi (Chounv Wudi), the Chinese version of the global Ugly Betty format. Exploring textuality, production, and reception simultaneously, my dissertation sheds light on the relationship between symbolic forms and social transition in China. Specifically speaking, the research questions initiating this study are as follows: Under current TV format cloning, trading, and borrowing, what are the similarities and differences between the Chinese Ugly Wudi and the American Ugly Betty? In the specific context of the People's Republic of China, what are the political and economic forces that constrain the production of Ugly Wudi? What are the audience interpretations of Ugly Wudi? What accounts for Ugly Wudi's popularity, and to what extent does it reflect a Chinese version of modernity? ; Multiple qualitative methods have been applied by the researcher to explicate the research questions, including textual analysis, ethnography, focus groups, archival analysis, and in-depth interviews. It is found that Ugly Wudi is a hybridized text that combines elements of Western modernity with Chinese particularities. As for Wudi's ...

In the past 30 years, China's economic reforms have forced many state-owned factories (SOEs) to collapse, and both men and women workers were dismissed. In urban Northeast China many laid-off women were able to find employment in the service industry and small-scale private businesses, while their husbands had difficulty finding a satisfactory job. As such, the wives became breadwinners of the families. Based on fieldwork data collected through face-to-face interviews, focus group interviews and participant observation, this study examines resultant spousal relationships in the aspects of family finance, domestic division of labor, power relations, and foundation of marriage, as the husband and wife swapped their economic roles at home. This study finds that when women control more economic capital than men in the nuclear family, domestic division of labor, power relations and affection between couples all tend to be more egalitarian. However, the concept of a male-breadwinner family and the gender segregation of space are still popular on material and social levels. Thus without corresponding changes on the ideological level regarding gender, patriarchy will remain dominant on the community and national levels. Analysis on spousal relationships shows that the economic, political and emotional aspects of marriage are interconnected and interactive, and they work together to decide how spousal relationships may be altered in times of rapid social transformation. In the era of market economy, family and marriage values are diversified, and marriage tends to be less stable. However, this study finds that the integrity of family and marriage has been kept in the laid-off workers' families even when spousal relationships face serious challenges caused by unemployment. The reason is that these laid-off workers have formed their gender identities during the socialist era which emphasized the integrity of family and marriage. In the market era, laid off workers have maintained these values and upheld the integrity of ...

Li, Ho Fai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-117). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; English and Chinese Abstracts --- p.ii ; List of Contents --- p.iv ; "Index of tables, figures, and diagrams" --- p.vi ; Lists of abbreviations and acronyms --- p.vii ; Notes --- p.ix ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background and Research Question --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Methodology --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Theoretical Frameworks, Central Arguments and Organization of the Thesis" --- p.6 ; Chapter 2. --- Theoretical Frameworks and Literature Review --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Historical Institutionalism --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Study of Heritage Conservation --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.3 --- The Study of Civil Society --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Political Economy of Built Heritage Conservation --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.5 --- State-Civil Society Relations in Post-Independence Malaysia --- p.16 ; Chapter 3. --- "Case Study of George Town in Penang, Malaysia (1957-2008)" --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Genesis of George Town as a British Colonial Town --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Development of George Town in 1950s-1970s --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Development of George Town in 1980s-2008 --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Updates of Development of George Town since 2008 --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- "Analysis of the case of George Town in Penang, Malaysia" --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.1 --- A Path of Institutional Change towards Heritage Conservation --- p.67 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Structural Basis for Civil Society-state Synergy --- p.69 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Conceptualizing the Constructability of Civil society-state Synergy --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.4 --- "Identification of ""Critical Juncture"" in the Developmental Path" --- p.82 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Sustainability of Civil society-state Synergy --- p.83 ; Chapter 5. --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.88 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Brief Review of the ...

This study explores a significant and little studied aspect of the pioneering doctrinal work of the Fajia tradition, the Book of Lord Shang 商君書 (ca. 260 B.C. -‐233 B.C.): its system of rewards. In contrast with previous scholarship that has questioned the existence of a coherent Legalist political vision and even its idea of law fa 法 or that has focused strictly on penalty, this study considers Fajia law and discipline not only viable categories for analysis, but also important conceptual products of the intensely competitive, bellicose political climate of the Warring States period. The central concern is with the character fa 法 in Fajia texts. Beginning with an analysis of the Book of Lord Shang's system of rewards, the study then examines how the use of the character fa 法 in this text distinguished itself from earlier usages and, hence, represents an important distinctly shared characteristic across Fajia texts generally. This shows that the Fajia system of rewards includes an important pedagogical aspect that requires the ruler's subjects to develop themselves for the sake of state development. Therefore, this study also evaluates the pedagogical value of Fajia rewards based on social scientific research on organismic learning. This pedagogical aspect of Fajia governance, the study argues, is the means through which the Fajia notion of law reinforces its cultural ideals of the state. ; 本文企圖考察在商君書(ca. 260 B.C. ‐ 233 B.C.)重要之一的方面:賞賜。以前的研究已經質疑連貫法家的政治思想,甚至其法律觀念鮮明特點的存在,或集中於嚴格刑罰的方面。可是這項研究認為法家的法律紀律的方面不只是可行的類別分析,還有法治觀念是戰國時期的競爭激烈,好戰的政治氣候的重要概念產品。最重要關注的是"法"字的意義在法家的文本。在開始本文分析商君書的獎勵系統。然後它探討如何在商君書中使用的"法"字,從早期的用途區分,以及它如何代表所有"法家"文本之間的一個重要的明顯特徵的共享。這表明,"法家"獎勵的系統包括一個重要的教學方面。它需要統治者的臣民來發展自己,為了國家的發展。因此,本文基於社會科學研究機體學習評估"法家"獎勵系統的教學價值。其實上,法家政治思想有這種教學方面的證明是強化了國家的文化理想的手段。 ; King, Brandon Russell. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-424). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 11, October, 2016). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

第三次民主化浪潮及其所代表的世界性民主化转型使得许多人相信民主不仅具有其本身的价值,而且有助于提高大众的福利水平。不少学者曾研究过民主制度与社会福利产出之间的关系。然而,在解释两者关系时并未得到一致性的结论。在很多情况下,民主制国家在改善人类发展指标和提高福利水平方面并没得到社会所期待的结果,而且经常被非民主制国家所超越。政治制度如何影响社会福利表现?民主化和社会福利发展之间是否存在取舍矛盾?如果这种取舍矛盾存在,如何将民主化的社会代价减到最小? ; 本研究试图加深我们对政治制度性质与社会福利产出水平之间关系的理解。为此,本文以维度路径分析政治制度的不同维度如何影响政府采取不同类型的政策选择。本文的核心问题是:民主制的哪些方面有利于/不利于哪种公共政策的实现?民主的不同维度能够促进/抑制哪些政策?竞争性选举和公众参与形成本研究的两个自变量维度。本研究应变量的两个维度是两种政府回应性:政府对公民基本需求(basic needs)的回应,即代表了社会福利表现的改进,以及政府对公民要求(wants and demands)的回应,即代表了满足群体所呼吁的而非客观上对其有利的政策福利。两者在概念上有所不同。本文首先在理论上分析自变量和应变量不同维度之间的关系,继而引用实证科学的定量和定性基本方法来检验所建立的理论关系。 ; 本研究证明,并非所有的导致回应要求(wants)的民主属性也有助于使政府回应基本需求(basic needs)。公众要求和公众客观需求作为公共政策所回应的目标具有不同的特征。从委托-代理理论框架来看,回应公众基本需求的政策需要政府采取不同于在回应主观要求时所采取的措施。由于这些不同点,在两个民主维度(政治竞争和公众参与)当中,只有后者对基本需求有积极影响,而前者往往会阻碍以回应基本需求为目的的政策。在政治竞争压力之下,追求选票最大化的政治家更倾向于采取回应社会现有要求的短期措施,且往往以忽视客观需求为代价。因此,为了避免民主化的高成本,需要促进民主的参与维度,且同时要缓解其竞争维度的激烈性。 ; The shift towards democracy globally under the "third wave" of democratization has stirred the conviction that democracy is not only a good thing in itself but also a promoter of general welfare. A considerable amount of research has been conducted to explore the effects of democracy on social outcomes. However, unequivocal conclusions regarding democracy's impact on health, education, life expectancy and other aspects of human well-being have not been achieved. Many democracies do not perform as good as they are expected to and are often outperformed by non-democratic regimes. Questions appear: How does political regime affect social performance? Is there a trade-off between democratization, on the one hand, and social development, on the other? If there is, how should democratization be carried out so as not to inhibit human well-being? ; This dissertation attempts to enhance our understanding of the impact of political regime on social outcomes by applying a dimensional approach. Instead of asking whether democracy is good or bad, it asks: which dimensions of political regime are good for which kinds of outcomes? What kinds of policies are promoted and what ...

許多學者討論了現代社會之非正規移民;然而,我們對這些移民的主體性知之甚少。世界體系的發展令國家邊界及公民身份政治有所改變,當今世界有超過五千萬非正規移民,理解其生活的志向和追索其現實有一定意義。香港大約有七千名非華裔非正規移民,其中估計75%來自南亞,此研究通過分析香港法外移民的案例,探索非正規移民之理想的建構與達成。儘管香港自從1841年成為英國殖民地後,與這個次大陸關係密切,此現象僅僅追溯到十年前,部分原因來自於後9-11歐美西方的嚴格移民政策之變化。 ; 在香港這個單一民族的社會,貧困的非華裔移民鶴立雞群,收到社會和政治的不公正待遇,為什麼這些移民還要過來?這裡的故事並非人們對非正規移民所想像的人口販賣、恐怖手段和暴力,而是關於移民文化所導致的需要研究出口移民的必要性,以及尋找全球和都市身份的媒體影響,和失足移民假扮成功人士,以掩蓋他們未能實現離家時許下的諾言的羞恥。儘管他們知道被罪化人生的風險和危險,也許還有更重要的未來等待他們的失敗,為什麼南亞人選擇在社會邊緣以非法公民的身份生存,而且繼續複製在海外出人頭地的神話?此研究基於一年的深入訪問和超過三個月的參與觀察,觀察香港非法南亞人的人生軌跡,分析他們如何建構非法的夢想,實現了什麼志願,以及如何延續由始至終以渴望成功打造的幻覺。 ; Many scholars have discussed irregular migration in contemporary societies; however, we know little of the subjectivities of these migrants. With considerable developments in the world system marking changes in the policing of national borders and politics of citizenship, it is of some significance to understand the processes that drive the motivations and trace the realities of over fifty million irregular migrants living in the world today. This research sheds light on the construction and realization of aspirations for irregular migration by examining cases of extralegal migrants in Hong Kong, where estimates suggest that 75 percent of the approximately 7,000 strong irregular non-Chinese migrant population comes from the South Asia. Despite Hong Kong's close connections to the subcontinent since the city's establishment as a British colony in 1841, this particular phenomenon dates back only ten years, stemming partially from strict changes in migration in the post-9/11 Euro-American West. ; In a society that is as ethnically homogenous as Hong Kong where the poorer non-Chinese immigrants clearly stand out and are open to social and political injustice, why do these migrants still come? The stories heard here are not of trafficking, terror and violence as one might expect from cases of irregular migrants, but instead, of cultures of migration creating obligations to engage in out-migration, media influence encouraging the search for global and cosmopolitan ...

本論文旨在通過以合一運動視角詮釋香港基督教史,輔以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議之個案,分析香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程的參與與貢獻,以說明香港基督教為香港社會的重要成員,香港基督教史研究亦為幫助我們了解香港歷史不可忽視的重要領域。 ; 本研究說明基督教與香港社會、政治、經濟及地理等因素的互相摩擦與接觸,使基督教在香港歷史發展上,進入一個既交錯又融匯的混雜局面,並期望通過歷史研究,發掘普世教會合一運動的基督教傳統與本土香港基督教相遇的過程,從而綜述其中的變化與香港基督教教會本土化的獨特經驗。 ; 本文以八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議為個案進行研究。該個案承繼了香港社會及教會在六、七十年代的種種發展,又延伸了香港社會及教會在九十年代甚至二十一世紀的各項討論,實有承先啟後的重要作用。並且,該個案其中的歷史變化及特點,均深刻地反映了香港對國際社會與中國的回應,饒有研究價值。二十世紀八十年代,香港社會急劇轉變。1984年中英聯合聲明草簽,九七主權轉移問題隨即成為香港人的核心討論。香港人心主權誰屬還是一個不確定的疑問。 八十年代的香港,無論在政治、經濟以及社會等方面,都進入空前特殊的時代。本研究即以香港基督教協進會所主辦的八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議作為一個瞭解八十年代初香港教會的窗口。 ; 在1980年11月17-20日,約有120位教會代表參加「八十年代香港教會使命諮詢會議」,除了會員教會和機構派員參加外,還有天主教及福音派教會和團體的代表參與,顯示該會議促進合一的努力和特性。各工作小組就每一項宣教議程進行商討及思考,然後提出建議,以供各教會參考之用。五項議程為向低薪市民傳福音、向學生傳福音、對國內基督徒關懷、對公共政策釐訂的參予及對市民心態的影響。由於1984年中英聯合聲明簽署,九七問題的迫近,協進會突破十年一次舉行香港教會諮詢會議的常規,提前在該會三十二週年的紀念日,即1986年1月19至22日舉行「八十年代中期香港教會使命諮詢會議」,不單視為八十年代諮詢會議的延續和檢討,更是對九七問題的急切回應,可見諮詢會議為香港教會和香港社會、政治、經濟合一的媒介之一。通過以上的會議,我們從香港教會普世合一運動的高峰、福音派和主流派的合作和了解、與殖民政府和中國關係的改變,以及教會對公共事務的實際參與等方面,來刻畫八十年代初香港教會與社會的面貌,從而說明教會普世運動在香港發展的獨特性,以及香港在回應國際與中國之際的本土社會變化。 ; 最後,本研究從殖民、中國人、基督徒以及香港人等四個身份,說明香港基督教在建構香港身份認同過程中的角色與意義,以論證香港基督教在香港社會為不可或缺的部份,而香港基督教歷史研究亦是香港研究中不容忽視的部份。 ; The thesis of my research is to articulate the crucial role of Christianity in the development of Hong Kong society through the reinterpretation of the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. ; Hong Kong church is an impetus for the sustainable development of Hong Kong society. The guiding principles of the ecumenical theology are one of the facilitators for the church to react with the political, economic and social development of Hong Kong. In my research, I will scrutinize the special ecumenical way of thinking. From that knowledge and sense of right and wrong, the church accelerated a lot of critical and significant decisions all the way through the history of Hong Kong. Prominently, it is a brand new perspective to study the role of church in Hong Kong history. There is no other work had been done on the history of Hong Kong Christianity in the ecumenical perspective. I ...

近年来,针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境,中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著?面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统,公民社会将何以对抗?本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场"将'乙肝'去除"的运动进行解读。 ; 本文采用个案研究方法,以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象,围绕 "乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程,将研究聚焦于三个方面:第一,乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权;第二,反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制;第三,"将'乙肝'去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。 ; 本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动;将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来,考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程,阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用,从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现,组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来,采取有效的策略,充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。 ; 组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础;掌握定义"乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣;抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。 ; 反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个"将'乙肝'去除"的"去污名化"运动。一方面,中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益;另一方面,乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一,这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕"将'乙肝'去除"的,以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角,支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除"乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的,但却相对稳定。 ; Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches. ; Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of "Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society. ; The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is ...

中國河南省鄧州市,被稱為世界鄧氏的發源地。鄧姓後人自五千年前開始便不斷外遷,至今分佈在世界各地的鄧氏總人口達七百餘萬。自二千年開始,位於鄧州市有"天下鄧氏第一陵"之稱的吾離陵園,成為鄧州市的重點發展項目之一,市政府積極向世界鄧氏宣傳鄧州和陵園保護建設,部分鄧氏後人也紛紛捐款支持。本論文探討跨地域網絡與文化遺產保護的關係,透過在三個鄧氏團體(鄧村、香港和多倫多)的田野考察,了解鄧氏後人對建立世界"鄧氏文化遺產"的看法。我將會探究為何鄧州政府和部分鄧氏後人投資巨款於陵墓建設上,而其他人則拒絶贊助?在全球化的環境下,政治、經濟、宗教、社會和文化因素如何推動或拒絶族氏文化遺產的建立?本論文的最終目的是探討跨地域網絡如何影響文化遺產管理,和不同利益團體對建立世界"鄧氏文化遺產"的解讀。 ; The Tang clan is said to have originated from Dengzhou City, Henan Province, China; members of the Tang clan began their migratory trek 5,000 years ago, and now they claim that there are 7 millions descendents all over the world. Since the 2000s, the Wuli Mausoleum - claimed to be the First Mausoleum of the Tang clan, has caught the attention of the Dengzhou government, which has since been promoting this to the Tangs across the world. The local government is eager to preserve the Mausoleum and a preservation plan has been announced; some Tang descendants have made substantial donations towards the project. This ethnographic study explores the nature of the transregional connections on heritage management and the meanings of building a global "Tang heritage" among three regional Tang groups, namely in Dengcun (Henan Province), Hong Kong and Toronto. This study addresses the following questions: Why are the local government and some Tangs willing to spend enormous sums of money on the conservation of the Mausoleum, while others refuse to do so? What are the socio-cultural, economic, political and religious factors facilitating the promotion or denial of the Tang heritage in today's globalized world? The ultimate goal of this research is to understand the politics and power dynamics among various stakeholders in the process of heritage management through a construction of transregional connections in post-Mao China. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Chan, Hiu Ling. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-153). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; List of Illustrations ; Abstract ; 摘要 ; Acknowledgement ...

围龙屋是客家人聚族而居的传统建筑,集中分布于广东东北部。它蕴含一套独特的空间构造和象征体系,体现了客家人的社会结构和性别观念。空间作为一项技术,在物质领域和精神领域上划分了两性的界限,并维护着性别关系结构。集体化时期国家对围龙屋进行了全面性改造,女性抓住机会获取村落公共空间的话语权,并在今天成为宗教活动的主导。改革开放之后,经济改革促使当地人搬出围龙屋住进新式楼房,家庭关系也随之改变。 ; 本文以梅州一座围龙屋为研究对象,以客家妇女的日常生活实践为核心主题,通过分析围龙屋聚落的历史脉络、空间构造及其社会意义的转变,探讨空间生产过程中女性个体、国家力量和传统文化观念之间的互动与角力,从而理解中国建国后的社会、政治、经济变迁。国家通过改造围龙屋来达成管制目的,客家女性在国家话语下发挥能动性获取更多的生存空间,同时也受到传统文化观念的约束。今天,国家力量借助市场经济以非正式的方式渗透农村,彻底改变了家庭权力结构,并使传统文化滋生出新的表现形式。 ; The weilong houses serve as the dwelling places for the Hakka people in Northeast Guangdong. Each weilong house contains elaborate spatial arrangements and a symbolic system that embodies the social order and gender relations of the Hakka. Space draws the boundaries between men and women in both the material and spiritual spheres, maintaining the gender structure of the Hakka society. During the collectivization period when the state reorganized the weilong house, women seized the opportunity to gain power for the control of village public space, and later they became religious leaders, even to the present. The economic reforms since 1978 have induced the villagers to leave the weilong house and move into new double-storey buildings, changing the family relations in the household. ; This research is a study of a weilong house in Meizhou, with focus on the daily practices of Hakka women. Taking into account of the history of the weilong house, its spatial structure and the changes in its social meanings, I seek to explore the production and reproduction of space in relation to women, tradition and the state, leading to a deeper understanding of the social-economic and political changes since 1949. The state achieved its rule through the re-arrangement of space, and the Hakka women use their agency to gain more living space under the state discourse, despite being constrained by traditional culture. Today, through market forces, state power has permeated all aspects of village life, transforming the power structure of the family thoroughly and enabling traditional culture to express in new ...

本文以1860至1911年間外國旅華攝影師在中國的攝影作品為研究對象,致力於討論中國「舊照活化」文化現象中同一批照片在19世紀末20世紀初的西方與20世紀90年代以降的當代中國這兩個不同的社會語境和時段中的具體運用方式,以考察照片、歷史敘述、民族國家政治意識形態之間的關係,試圖在「雙時軌」的對比結構中為晚清攝影研究打開新的探討空間。 ; 論文主體部分圍繞著「國家」、「民族」和「革命」這三個當代晚清攝影運用中的關鍵概念展開,分析攝影作品內部的話語變化,以及與這種變化息息相關的「主體性」與文化政治問題。第二章以晚清旅華攝影師代表約翰·湯姆遜的中國成像為討論對象,在比較1874年在英國出版、湯姆遜自主編纂的附圖遊記《中國與中國人影像》與2009年由中國官方出版界重新選編的《晚清碎影》的基礎上,具體呈現不同的主體在「想像晚清中國」和「呈現晚清中國」上的差別。第三章繞著當代晚清相冊中的「民族」選題而展開,探討「少數民族」與「中華民族」的表現方式及其缺陷。第四章著重討論「辛亥革命」在當代晚清相冊中的表現方法,以《壹玖壹壹:從鴉片戰爭到軍閥混戰的百年影像史》為例,分析照片集如何在一個通俗歷史的框架下處理「辛亥革命」這一歷史節點。在此基礎上,結論部分總結了舊照活化文化現象下「國家」與「歷史敘述」的同構關係,並以「視覺」為中心,分析了以攝影為材料的歷史敘述如何建構「民族-國家」視野下的身份認同。 ; The China's early photographs have enjoyed a drastic revival of attentions in the recent decades. An important category of these photos are those taken by Westerners during the late Qing China. This thesis aims to investigate these subjects from a cultural historical perspective, the photos are thus considered as a form of representation instead of visual history materials, and a comparative approach was employed to discuss the complex relationship among photo image, imperialism, history narrating under the political structure of nation-state and China's contemporary social reality. ; Photographs which were taken by the Westerners during the late Qing China emerged in the age of European capitalism and imperialist expansion. After the year 1860, China was defeated by the British-French Alliance in the Second Opium War and the Qing government was forced to open up to the treat and culture of the west. This change attracted Westerners of different occupations, including commercial photographers, explorers and journalists, to photograph various geographical and social aspects that are of their interests. The kinds of photographed subjects they chose and the kinds of commentaries they made vividly reflected how they understand China from the imperialism point of view. ; A hundred years later, these late Qing photos become an important part of the "old photo revival" wave raised in the 1990s China. Much different from the time ...