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Bis heute wird der Tod Karls VI. und der Regierungsantritt Maria Theresias 1740 als eine einschneidende Zäsur in der österreichischen Geschichte gesehen. Doch nun stellt sich vor dem Hintergrund eines weitergefassten Schnittstellenbegriffes (Reinhart Koselleck) die Frage, ob der zweifellos grundlegende Wandel zwischen 1720 und 1780 nicht differenzierter gesehen werden muss. Ausgehend vom Raum des Wiener Hofes, an dem der Herrscherwechsel in seinen Auswirkungen am ehesten dokumentiert werden kann, wird aus der Sicht sogenannten Hofkünste versucht, Kontinuitäten und Diskontinuitäten aufzuzeigen. ; Until today, the death of Charles VI and Maria Theresia's ascending the throne 1740 is seen as a major turning point in Austrian history. But now is the question of whether in different "layers" and "rooms" without doubt fundamental change between 1720 and 1780 not differentiated must be seen against the background of the concept of interface ("Sattelzeit"/Reinhart Koselleck). On the basis of the space "Viennese court", where the change of rulers in its effects most likely can be documented, attempts from the perspective of different disciplines (the so called "Hofkünste" – literature/poetry, arts, theatre/dance, music) point out continuities and discontinuities.

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

This article aims to establish a connection between Kant's Lectures on Anthropology and his political writings. As the comparative analysis shows, the lectures contain a number of fragments that conceptually or even verbatim reproduce the ideas of Kant's later published works on political topics. Given the fact that Kant did not give separate lectures on politics, Lectures on Anthropology represent the most important additional source of the Kantian political thought, allowing us to assume that they were a kind of sounding board which Kant used to think out loud and deliver the first versions of his socio-political ideas to his students, polishing them up before putting the finishing touches and publishing them for a larger audience. Lectures also help to trace the genesis of Kant's individual political ideas, to discover changes in the perspective from which he viewed political events of his time and the historical process as a whole. ; This article aims to establish a connection between Kant's Lectures on Anthropology and his political writings. As the comparative analysis shows, the lectures contain a number of fragments that conceptually or even verbatim reproduce the ideas of Kant's later published works on political topics. Given the fact that Kant did not give separate lectures on politics, Lectures on Anthropology represent the most important additional source of the Kantian political thought, allowing us to assume that they were a kind of sounding board which Kant used to think out loud and deliver the first versions of his socio-political ideas to his students, polishing them up before putting the finishing touches and publishing them for a larger audience. Lectures also help to trace the genesis of Kant's individual political ideas, to discover changes in the perspective from which he viewed political events of his time and the historical process as a whole.

This article aims to establish a connection between Kant's Lectures on Anthropology and his political writings. As the comparative analysis shows, the lectures contain a number of fragments that conceptually or even verbatim reproduce the ideas of Kant's later published works on political topics. Given the fact that Kant did not give separate lectures on politics, Lectures on Anthropology represent the most important additional source of the Kantian political thought, allowing us to assume that they were a kind of sounding board which Kant used to think out loud and deliver the first versions of his socio-political ideas to his students, polishing them up before putting the finishing touches and publishing them for a larger audience. Lectures also help to trace the genesis of Kant's individual political ideas, to discover changes in the perspective from which he viewed political events of his time and the historical process as a whole. ; This article aims to establish a connection between Kant's Lectures on Anthropology and his political writings. As the comparative analysis shows, the lectures contain a number of fragments that conceptually or even verbatim reproduce the ideas of Kant's later published works on political topics. Given the fact that Kant did not give separate lectures on politics, Lectures on Anthropology represent the most important additional source of the Kantian political thought, allowing us to assume that they were a kind of sounding board which Kant used to think out loud and deliver the first versions of his socio-political ideas to his students, polishing them up before putting the finishing touches and publishing them for a larger audience. Lectures also help to trace the genesis of Kant's individual political ideas, to discover changes in the perspective from which he viewed political events of his time and the historical process as a whole.

In der Dissertation werden die gesellschaftlichen Traditionen und Geschlechter-beziehungen thematisiert, die Ehrenmorden in Deutschland unter türkeistämmigen Migranten zugrunde liegen. Dazu wird ein Ansatz gewählt, der sich auf zentrale Inhalte der Fortsetzung traditionaler Handlungsmaximen bezieht. Mit Bezugnahme auf traditional-kulturelle Herkunft und Geschlecht werden dann Kategorien entwickelt, die vor allem die Konstruktion von Männlichkeit und die damit verbundenen Rollenerwartungen an Frauen betreffen. Eine so entwickelte genaue Kenntnis der Hintergründe von Ehren-morden soll dann eine verbesserte, dringend benötige Präventionsarbeit und Unterstützung von Familien, die von Ehrenmorden betroffen sind, ermöglichen. Im Gegensatz zu anderen Ansätzen der Literatur zu Ehrenmorden wird in der Dissertation auf der Grundlage von Transformationsprozessen traditionaler Kulturen von türkeistämmigen Migrantengruppen in Deutschland argumentiert. Damit erfolgt eine Bezugnahme auf die zwischenkulturellen Lebensverhältnisse der Migranten, wobei auch von der Mehrheitsgesellschaft geforderte "Anpassungsprozesse" in den Mittelpunkt gerückt werden. Ehrenmorde werden dabei als Kulminationspunkte einer misslungenen Transformation tribaler in moderne Formen der Vergesellschaftung verstanden. Diese Arbeit zeigt dabei, dass die für ein Leben in der Moderne notwendige Veränderung der sozialen Beziehungen in den Familien und zur Außenwelt von diesen Migrantengruppen nicht umgesetzt, sondern weiter an traditionalen Verhaltensweisen festgehalten wird, obwohl der Bezugsrahmen dieser Verhaltensweisen obsolet geworden ist. Aufgezeigt wird dabei auch, dass es sich bei der Fortführung dieser Handlungsweisen im modernen Lebensumfeld, wofür die Ehrenmorde ein Bei-spiel darstellen, vor allem um strukturelle Probleme handelt. Möglich wird so eine sehr viel differenziertere Betrachtungsweise der Hintergründe von Ehren-morden, als dies in den allermeisten Forschungsansätzen zur Thematik erfolgt. Die Dissertation kommt vor diesem Hintergrund zu dem Schluss, dass herkömmliche Inhalte der sozialen Arbeit nicht ausreichen, um misslungenen Transformationsprozessen entgegenzuwirken. Dabei wird auf die Möglichkeiten von Demokratieerziehung und geschlechtersensibler Jungenarbeit verwiesen. Damit verbunden ist die Hoffnung, durch diese Maßnahmen strukturelle Veränderungen bewirken zu können. ; This thesis addresses social traditions and gender relationships that underlie honor killings in Germany among Turkish-migrants. For this purpose, an approach is chosen that refers to the central content of the perpetuation of traditional norms. With reference to traditional-cultural background and gender, categories are developed that primarily concern the construction of masculinity and the associated role expectations of women. Such a well-developed background knowledge of honor killings should then enable improved, urgently needed prevention work and support for families affected by honor killings. In contrast to other approaches in the literature on honor killings, the thesis argues on the basis of transformation processes of traditional cultures scoped on Turkish migrant groups in Germany. This is a reference to the intercultural living conditions of migrants, whereby the "adaptation processes" demanded by the majority of society are brought into focus. Honor killings are understood as culmination points of a failed transformation: from tribal to modern forms of socialization. This work shows that the change of social relations within families and to the outside world, which are necessary for a modern life, is not transposed by these migrant groups. It continues to be adhered to in traditional ways, even though the frame of reference of these behaviors has become obsolete. It also shows that the continuation of these actions in the modern living environment, for which the honor killings are an example, are primarily structural problems. This makes possible a much more differentiated approach to the background of honor killings than is the case in most research approaches to the subject. Against this background, the dissertation concludes that conventional contents of social work are not sufficient to counteract failed transformation processes. It refers to the possibilities of democracy education and gender-sensitive work with boys. Linked to the latter idea is the hope to be able to bring about structural changes through such measures.

The paper attempts to prove that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) due to the absence of mutual agreement between its permanent members and frequent usage of veto right, sanctions the usage of preventive self-defence notably rarely. The problem then occurs: because of the ineffectiveness of the UNSC in sanctioning the usage of preventive self-defence, the states implement the preventive self-defence by themselves, in this way violating one of the main international law principles – refraining from threatening or using force principle. This situation encouraged some big states (permanent members of the UNSC) to foresee the possibility to use unilateral preventive self-defence in their military doctrines in this way ignoring international law. The current situation requires dealing with this issue either legalizing the usage of preventive self-defence or searching for the ways how to force the UNSC to implement its primary task – to maintain international peace and security. The goal of the paper – to reveal the issues of the states' usage of preventive self-defence emphasizing the Middle East region. The following objectives have been formulated for achieving the goal: 1. To discuss the concept of refraining from threatening or using force principle, the consolidation of this principle in contemporary law as well as analysis of exceptions. 2. To analyze the types of states' self-defence and find Lithuanian equivalents to English terms of states' self-defence types: preemptive and preventive self-defence. 3. To analyze the demand and opportunities to legalize the unilateral usage of states' preventive self-defence. 4. To analyze the potential usage of preventive self-defence towards Iran. The object of this paper – the usage of the states' preventive self-defence. While determining the research boundaries, the object of the research has been stated - the possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran. The following issues have been addressed in the paper – should the right to use preventive self-defence be stated in the international law even in the case if UNSC would not sanction the usage of preventive military measures? The answer to the question is negative. It is feared that the legalizing of preventive self-defence could have irrecoverable consequences because each state would use preventive self-defence at own discretion and all this would not contribute to the UN efforts to ensure peace and security in the world. It is recommended to deal with the current situation not by legalizing preventive self-defence but by increasing the UNSC efficiency in analyzing and sanctioning the usage of preventive force. Three institutional models that enable to increase the efficiency of the UNSC directly and indirectly while dealing with the usage of preventive force issues and sanctioning it are analyzed in the paper. The possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran was analyzed during the survey. It was assessed whether there were assumptions for Israel to attack Iran and if Israel will eventually attack Iran despite the fact that this kind of attack would be unlawful according to the international law. The historical comparative method was used while answering the question. The bombing of the Iraqi Osirak reactor by the Israeli Air Force in 1981 was analyzed and Iraq's nuclear programme assessed. The author claims that all assumptions for Israel to attack Iran do exist – Israel suspects that Iran is making nuclear weapon and that it will be used against Israel. At present Israel is deterred from attacking only because of the USA position and the absence of the precise data regarding Iran nuclear objects. In the course of the time the USA position can change and the data (reasoned or not) regarding Iran nuclear objects' location can occur. If it happens, in this case it is possible that Israel will decide to attack Iran.

The paper attempts to prove that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) due to the absence of mutual agreement between its permanent members and frequent usage of veto right, sanctions the usage of preventive self-defence notably rarely. The problem then occurs: because of the ineffectiveness of the UNSC in sanctioning the usage of preventive self-defence, the states implement the preventive self-defence by themselves, in this way violating one of the main international law principles – refraining from threatening or using force principle. This situation encouraged some big states (permanent members of the UNSC) to foresee the possibility to use unilateral preventive self-defence in their military doctrines in this way ignoring international law. The current situation requires dealing with this issue either legalizing the usage of preventive self-defence or searching for the ways how to force the UNSC to implement its primary task – to maintain international peace and security. The goal of the paper – to reveal the issues of the states' usage of preventive self-defence emphasizing the Middle East region. The following objectives have been formulated for achieving the goal: 1. To discuss the concept of refraining from threatening or using force principle, the consolidation of this principle in contemporary law as well as analysis of exceptions. 2. To analyze the types of states' self-defence and find Lithuanian equivalents to English terms of states' self-defence types: preemptive and preventive self-defence. 3. To analyze the demand and opportunities to legalize the unilateral usage of states' preventive self-defence. 4. To analyze the potential usage of preventive self-defence towards Iran. The object of this paper – the usage of the states' preventive self-defence. While determining the research boundaries, the object of the research has been stated - the possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran. The following issues have been addressed in the paper – should the right to use preventive self-defence be stated in the international law even in the case if UNSC would not sanction the usage of preventive military measures? The answer to the question is negative. It is feared that the legalizing of preventive self-defence could have irrecoverable consequences because each state would use preventive self-defence at own discretion and all this would not contribute to the UN efforts to ensure peace and security in the world. It is recommended to deal with the current situation not by legalizing preventive self-defence but by increasing the UNSC efficiency in analyzing and sanctioning the usage of preventive force. Three institutional models that enable to increase the efficiency of the UNSC directly and indirectly while dealing with the usage of preventive force issues and sanctioning it are analyzed in the paper. The possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran was analyzed during the survey. It was assessed whether there were assumptions for Israel to attack Iran and if Israel will eventually attack Iran despite the fact that this kind of attack would be unlawful according to the international law. The historical comparative method was used while answering the question. The bombing of the Iraqi Osirak reactor by the Israeli Air Force in 1981 was analyzed and Iraq's nuclear programme assessed. The author claims that all assumptions for Israel to attack Iran do exist – Israel suspects that Iran is making nuclear weapon and that it will be used against Israel. At present Israel is deterred from attacking only because of the USA position and the absence of the precise data regarding Iran nuclear objects. In the course of the time the USA position can change and the data (reasoned or not) regarding Iran nuclear objects' location can occur. If it happens, in this case it is possible that Israel will decide to attack Iran.

The paper attempts to prove that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) due to the absence of mutual agreement between its permanent members and frequent usage of veto right, sanctions the usage of preventive self-defence notably rarely. The problem then occurs: because of the ineffectiveness of the UNSC in sanctioning the usage of preventive self-defence, the states implement the preventive self-defence by themselves, in this way violating one of the main international law principles – refraining from threatening or using force principle. This situation encouraged some big states (permanent members of the UNSC) to foresee the possibility to use unilateral preventive self-defence in their military doctrines in this way ignoring international law. The current situation requires dealing with this issue either legalizing the usage of preventive self-defence or searching for the ways how to force the UNSC to implement its primary task – to maintain international peace and security. The goal of the paper – to reveal the issues of the states' usage of preventive self-defence emphasizing the Middle East region. The following objectives have been formulated for achieving the goal: 1. To discuss the concept of refraining from threatening or using force principle, the consolidation of this principle in contemporary law as well as analysis of exceptions. 2. To analyze the types of states' self-defence and find Lithuanian equivalents to English terms of states' self-defence types: preemptive and preventive self-defence. 3. To analyze the demand and opportunities to legalize the unilateral usage of states' preventive self-defence. 4. To analyze the potential usage of preventive self-defence towards Iran. The object of this paper – the usage of the states' preventive self-defence. While determining the research boundaries, the object of the research has been stated - the possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran. The following issues have been addressed in the paper – should the right to use preventive self-defence be stated in the international law even in the case if UNSC would not sanction the usage of preventive military measures? The answer to the question is negative. It is feared that the legalizing of preventive self-defence could have irrecoverable consequences because each state would use preventive self-defence at own discretion and all this would not contribute to the UN efforts to ensure peace and security in the world. It is recommended to deal with the current situation not by legalizing preventive self-defence but by increasing the UNSC efficiency in analyzing and sanctioning the usage of preventive force. Three institutional models that enable to increase the efficiency of the UNSC directly and indirectly while dealing with the usage of preventive force issues and sanctioning it are analyzed in the paper. The possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran was analyzed during the survey. It was assessed whether there were assumptions for Israel to attack Iran and if Israel will eventually attack Iran despite the fact that this kind of attack would be unlawful according to the international law. The historical comparative method was used while answering the question. The bombing of the Iraqi Osirak reactor by the Israeli Air Force in 1981 was analyzed and Iraq's nuclear programme assessed. The author claims that all assumptions for Israel to attack Iran do exist – Israel suspects that Iran is making nuclear weapon and that it will be used against Israel. At present Israel is deterred from attacking only because of the USA position and the absence of the precise data regarding Iran nuclear objects. In the course of the time the USA position can change and the data (reasoned or not) regarding Iran nuclear objects' location can occur. If it happens, in this case it is possible that Israel will decide to attack Iran.

The paper attempts to prove that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) due to the absence of mutual agreement between its permanent members and frequent usage of veto right, sanctions the usage of preventive self-defence notably rarely. The problem then occurs: because of the ineffectiveness of the UNSC in sanctioning the usage of preventive self-defence, the states implement the preventive self-defence by themselves, in this way violating one of the main international law principles – refraining from threatening or using force principle. This situation encouraged some big states (permanent members of the UNSC) to foresee the possibility to use unilateral preventive self-defence in their military doctrines in this way ignoring international law. The current situation requires dealing with this issue either legalizing the usage of preventive self-defence or searching for the ways how to force the UNSC to implement its primary task – to maintain international peace and security. The goal of the paper – to reveal the issues of the states' usage of preventive self-defence emphasizing the Middle East region. The following objectives have been formulated for achieving the goal: 1. To discuss the concept of refraining from threatening or using force principle, the consolidation of this principle in contemporary law as well as analysis of exceptions. 2. To analyze the types of states' self-defence and find Lithuanian equivalents to English terms of states' self-defence types: preemptive and preventive self-defence. 3. To analyze the demand and opportunities to legalize the unilateral usage of states' preventive self-defence. 4. To analyze the potential usage of preventive self-defence towards Iran. The object of this paper – the usage of the states' preventive self-defence. While determining the research boundaries, the object of the research has been stated - the possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran. The following issues have been addressed in the paper – should the right to use preventive self-defence be stated in the international law even in the case if UNSC would not sanction the usage of preventive military measures? The answer to the question is negative. It is feared that the legalizing of preventive self-defence could have irrecoverable consequences because each state would use preventive self-defence at own discretion and all this would not contribute to the UN efforts to ensure peace and security in the world. It is recommended to deal with the current situation not by legalizing preventive self-defence but by increasing the UNSC efficiency in analyzing and sanctioning the usage of preventive force. Three institutional models that enable to increase the efficiency of the UNSC directly and indirectly while dealing with the usage of preventive force issues and sanctioning it are analyzed in the paper. The possible usage of Israel's preventive self-defence towards Iran was analyzed during the survey. It was assessed whether there were assumptions for Israel to attack Iran and if Israel will eventually attack Iran despite the fact that this kind of attack would be unlawful according to the international law. The historical comparative method was used while answering the question. The bombing of the Iraqi Osirak reactor by the Israeli Air Force in 1981 was analyzed and Iraq's nuclear programme assessed. The author claims that all assumptions for Israel to attack Iran do exist – Israel suspects that Iran is making nuclear weapon and that it will be used against Israel. At present Israel is deterred from attacking only because of the USA position and the absence of the precise data regarding Iran nuclear objects. In the course of the time the USA position can change and the data (reasoned or not) regarding Iran nuclear objects' location can occur. If it happens, in this case it is possible that Israel will decide to attack Iran.