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Tema ovog diplomskog rada je razmotriti određene političke aspekte Međunarodne nogometne federacije (FIFA-e) kroz okvire institucija, njihovog međuodnosa, probleme klijentelizma i korupcije te način na koji obliku FIFA-u. Također se nastoje ispitati korijeni samog nastanka FIFA-e te razvijanja organizacije koja u sve učestalijim slučajevima izlazi izvan okvira udruge kako je službeno definirana te kroz takvo djelovanje postaje organizacijom koja igra ozbiljnu ulogu na sceni međunarodnih odnosa. FIFA kao organizacija je globalni akter te putem utjecajnih kanala oblikuje politike oko nas. Tome za zahvaliti je činjenica što je nogomet ima toliko visoku razinu popularnosti u svijetu da ga se ne može smatrati samo igrom, već katalizatorom politike. Zbog intenzivnog razvoja u relativno kratkom roku, FIFA nije razvijala svoju unutarpolitički sustav te zbog toga došla do zida zbog kojeg uništava samu sebe iskorištavanjem loše definiranih međuinstitucijskih odnosa. Ona ima različite učinke kako na nogomet, tako i na društvo što često dovodi do nesrazmjera i izrazito polariziranoj slici FIFA-e u javnosti. U ovom radu možemo razaznati zašto je FIFA toliko jedinstven pojam kada govorimo o politici i međunarodnim odnosima, s obzirom na to da je njezina moć koju legitimno posjeduje izuzetno diskutabilan pojam. Kroz definiciju političkih aspekata FIFA-e, nastojim istražiti izlazi li FIFA iz okvira udruge civilnog društva, ponajviše zbog sve učestalijih slučajeva korupcije, klijentelizma, ali i pojave organiziranog kriminala. ; The topic of this thesis is to consider certain political aspects of the International Football Federation (FIFA) through the framework of institutions, their interrelationships, problems of clientelism and corruption, and the way in which they shape FIFA. This thesis tries also to examine the roots of the very origin of FIFA and the development of an organization that in more and more cases goes outside the framework of an association as FIFA is officially defined. Through such activities, FIFA becomes ...

Iskustvo Drugoga židovskoga ustanka protiv Rimljana znatno je utjecalo na susljedni razvoj židovske misli u pitanjima mesijanizma i eshatologije. Mesijanizam je u srednjostrujaškom židovstvu postao pasivan, što se odrazilo na političke ambicije obnove židovske državnosti, koje su nakon 135. skoro potpuno splasnule. Posljedice ustanka zbog židovskoga su shvaćanja povijesti kao relevantne za teološku epistemologiju dovele do vjerski utemeljenoga političkoga kvijetizma, zbog kojega je vjerski židovski stav prema cionizmu sve do nedavno odražavao izrazitu nesklonost. Do promjene u tom stavu počelo je dolaziti iz istoga razloga, a to je povijesno iskustvo osnutka i obrane Države Izrael. ; The second Jewish revolt against the Romans has significantly influenced the shaping of subsequent Jewish messianic and eschatological thought. Largely due to the Revolt, mainstream Judaism has adopted a passive messianic attitude, and Jewish ambitions to reestablish statehood in Palestine has almost entirely subsided. Historical experience of the Bar–Kokhba revolt combined with the Jewish perception of history, as relevant to theological epistemology, has produced faith–based political quietism which marked Judaism for centuries. The attitude of religious Jews to political Zionism, when it first appeared, was very averse and remained such until rather recently. Change in the attitude was prompted by the same reason, which is historical experience of the establishment and defense of the State of Israel.

Sukob niskog intenziteta je koncept čiji začetci datiraju u osamdesete godine prošlog stoljeća, a definira se kao političko-vojna konfrontacija između suprotstavljenih država ili skupina koja je slabijeg intenziteta od konvencionalnog rata i jačeg od mirne i rutinske konkurencije država. Često uključuje dugotrajne borbe konkurentskih načela i ideologija, a kreće se od subverzije do uporabe oružane sile. Vođen je kombinacijom sredstava, primjenom političkih, ekonomskih, informacijskih i vojnih instrumenata. Sukobi niskog intenziteta često su lokalnog karaktera, uglavnom u zemljama u razvoju, ali sadrže regionalne i globalne sigurnosne implikacije. Najznačajniji sadržaj ; Low-intensity conflict is a concept whose beginnings date back to the 1980s and it is defined as a political-military confrontation between contending states or groups below the intensity of conventional war and above the routine, peaceful competition among states. It frequently involves protracted struggles of competing principles and ideologies. Low-intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of the armed forces. It is waged by a combination of means, employing political, economic, informational and military instruments. Low-intensity conflicts are often localized, generally in developing countries, but contain regional and global security implications. The most significant content of the low-intensity con flict in the country being acted upon is insurgency, whether it is being helped or crushed. Insurgency is an organized, armed political struggle aimed at seizing power through revolutionary takeover and replacement of the existing government. This paper provides an overview of previous research on the topic of low-intensity conflict and presents its key components.

Rad obuhvaća pregled redatelja i filmova Novoga Hollywooda te društveno-politički kontekst i mijene u američkome načinu života, koje su prethodile nastanku tzv. blockbustera, odnosno novožanrovskih filmova. U radu će biti riječ o svježem autorskom pristupu žanrovskomu filmu generacije školovanih redatelja koji će u svojim djelima uspješno revalorizirati žanr, a od kojih će nekolicina marketinškom stručnošću osigurati nastavke svojih filmova u (i danas vrlo popularnomu) obliku franšize. Kroz analizu opusa novoholivudskih redatelja mlađe, a dijelom i starije, generacije demonstrirat će se njihov odnos prema društvenim i političkim okolnostima, revitalizacija marginaliziranih žanrova kao i stilska obilježja filmova, poput intertekstualnosti, citatnosti, pastiša, hommagea (posvete) itd. ; The paper includes an overview of New Hollywood directors and their films, as well as the sociopolitical context and changes in the American way of life that preceded the arrival of the so-called blockbusters, i.e. new genre films. The paper will discuss a new approach to the genre film by a generation of educated directors who will successfully renew genre in their works and, in some cases, make sequels in the form of (even today very popular) franchise. The analysis of some works made by a younger and partly older generation will show their relation to social and political circumstances, revitalization of marginalized genres, as well as stylistic features such as: intertextuality, citations, pastiche, homage (dedication), etc.

Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.

Politički savjetnici obilježje su suvremene državne uprave. Predstavljaju osobe koje temeljem imenovanja prema nedefiniranim kriterijima pružaju savjete ministru ili premijeru u pogledu javnih politika, političkih aspekata i koordinacije ili odnosa s javnošću. Dolaze i odlaze s ministrom, a njihov je status u pravilu nejednako reguliran u pojedinim državama, ako je uopće i reguliran. Javljaju se zbog promjena u upravljanju, potrebe za jačanjem koordinacije, vodstva i strategije kao i odgovora na intenziviranje komunikacija. Dovode do promjena u odnosu između politike i uprave u državnoj upravi, a osnovne zamjerke i nepovjerenje javnosti proizlaze iz netransparentnosti, izostanka regulacije i nedostatka odgovornosti. U radu se razmatraju razlozi zbog kojih politički savjetnici postaju neizostavan dio ministarskih kabineta, analiziraju se pojam, vrste i funkcije političkih savjetnika te opisuju posljedice i ključni elementi koncepta. Naglašava se važnost uređenja statusa političkih savjetnika i transparentnosti radi osiguravanja ostvarivanja javnog interesa i povjerenja javnosti u institucije. ; These days political advisors are indispensable to state administration. They are appointed to their positions to advise ministers and the prime minister on public policy, various political aspects and coordination, or on public relations and aspects of communication. Their appointments depend on the minister's term of office. Political advisors are not part of the civil service and different states take different approaches, if any at all, to regulating their status. The need for political advisors arises in conjunction with changes in management, the need to strengthen coordination, leadership and strategy, as well as the need to address a growing intensity of communication. Political advisors constitute a new factor in the dynamic between politicians and civil servants, and they bring about changes in the relationship between politics and administration. They generate a mistrust among the general public, due to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as the fact that, as a rule, their position is governed by specific regulations, if any at all. Conflict of interest, in particular, is a cause for concern. The paper examines the reasons why political advisors may become key members of ministerial cabinets, analyses the concept of the political advisor and their various types and functions, and describes the consequences and key elements of the concept. Trends in some countries are also included.

Knjiga se bavi rodnim stereotipima i politikom Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Pri tome se polazi od pretpostavke da (rodni) stereotipi nisu puki kulturni balast društva, već da imaju značajnu ulogu u uspostavi uspješne komunikacije, izgradnji identiteta, ali i sustava vrijednosti društva. Nadalje, stereotipi nose prizvuk tradicionalnosti, bezvremenosti i prirodne uvjetovanosti te stoga imaju stabilizacijsku ulogu u vrijeme društvenih lomova (promjena političkih sustava, velikih ekonomskih kriza itd.). S druge strane, upravo se u vrijeme društvenih promjena propituje stari sustav vrijednosti i evocira revitaliziranje, redefiniranje ili odbacivanje određenih stereotipnih obrazaca. Konflikti koji nastaju na imaginarnoj razini u konačnici se prelijevaju na realne događaje i upravo je ta veza između kulturnih (rodnih) koncepata i političke realizacije glavna okosnica istraživanja na kojem se bazira ova knjiga. Razdoblje koje se obrađuje bogato je "lomovima":

Autor u tekstu analizira utjecaj migracijske krize na Europsku uniju kroz sigurnosnu i politološku dimenziju, te recepciju tog diskursa kod političkih elita i građana. Pritom posebno naglašava humanitarnu, ali i sigurnosnu dimenziju percepcije imigranata, izbjeglica i tražitelja azila kao nekih novih "umjetnih" manjina u Europskoj uniji. S druge strane, takvi procesi sve se više izražavaju kao prijetnja sigurnosti oličena u povećanju ksenofobije i razisma, dok pojedine političke elite u Uniji imigrante percipiraju kroz prizmu "antigrađana". Nadalje, u tekstu se analizira proces sekuritizacije identiteta izbjeglica, koji se kroz govorni akt u pojedinim zemljama članicama EU karakteriziraju kao prvenstveno sigurnosna ugroza, što za posljedicu ima povećanje nasilja nad manjinama i negativno se reflektira na unutarnju koheziju Europske unije te njezinu sposobnost da upravlja migracijskom krizom. Na kraju, polazeći od određenih teorijskih i empirijskih postavki, autor želi ponuditi sveobuhvatan pregled migracijske krize na europskom tlu u cilju smanjenja negativne reverzibilnosti na ostvarivanje prava manjina u Europskoj uniji. ; In this article author is analyzing influence of migration crisis on the European Union through security and political dimension, and reception of these discourses among political elite and citizens. Author's special attention is on humanitarian, but also on security dimension of perception of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers as "new" artificial minorities in the European Union. On other hand, such processes are increasingly being portrayed as a security threat, embodied in the increase of xenophobia and racism, whereby some political elites in the EU perceive immigrants as "anti-citizens". Author also analyzes the securitization of refugees' identity, which is being presented (through the speech acts) as the security threat in some EU member states. The consequence of such developments is the increase of violence against minorities and the negative impact on the inner cohesion within the EU, as well as its capacities to manage the migration crisis. Finally, starting from theoretical and empirical assumptions, the author offers a comprehensive review of the European migration crisis in order to reduce the negative reversibility on achieving minority rights in the EU.