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The Council of National Defence, established on 1 July 1920, was to be a temporary governmental body having full legislative and executive power in all matters relating to the conduct and ending of the war, and also with the conclusion of peace with Bolshevik Russia. As regards the above matters, the Council of National Defence was to issue orders and regulations, which were immediately enforceable. Despite acquiring very broad powers, both legislative and executive, none of its regulations went beyond its competence scope. The Council of National Defence regulations had to be approved by the Legislative Sejm in order to be valid. During the three months' period of its functioning, the Council of National Defense issued over 90 different legal acts aiming at strengthening of defense of the Polish State that was threatened with a loss of its independence. The Council of National Defense played a major role in holding back the Bolshevik invasion of Poland. It contributed to formation of a large army, and made the nation regain its faith in successful end of the military conflict with Soviet Russia. ; Utworzona w dniu 1 lipca 1920 r. Rada Obrony Państwa miała być organem tymczasowym, dysponującym pełnią władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej we wszystkich sprawach związanych z prowadzeniem i zakończeniem wojny oraz z zawarciem pokoju z bolszewicką Rosją. Rada Obrony Państwa miała wydawać w tych kwestiach zarządzenia i rozporządzenia podlegające rygorowi natychmiastowej wykonalności. Pomimo uzyskania znacznego zakresu uprawnień, zarówno w zakresie władzy prawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej, żadne z jej rozporządzeń nie wykraczało poza granice jej kompetencji. Rozporządzenia Rady Obrony Państwa dla uzyskania ważności wymagały zatwierdzenia przez Sejm Ustawodawczy. W okresie trzech miesięcy swojego funkcjonowania Rada Obrony Państwa wydała ponad 90 różnych aktów prawnych, służących wzmocnieniu obronności państwa polskiego narażonego na utratę niepodległości. Rada Obrony Państwa odegrała ogromną rolę w powstrzymaniu bolszewickiego najazdu na Polskę. Dzięki niej powstała liczna armia, a naród odzyskał wiarę w zwycięskie zakończenie konfliktu zbrojnego z sowiecką Rosją.

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive
approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of
political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources
utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.

The paper approaches theoretical and axiological aspects of the concept of elites, which could influence quasi- empirical or empirical assumptions about elites. Author analyses political elite as a functionally separated group, proposing neutral approach to the study of elite, assuming that under certain conditions theoretical and axiological statements can be separated. Pointing at three general perspectives: hierarchical, institutional and psychological, author supports the second one of them as the most adequate for contemporary conditions. Author discusses the meanings of three phenomena observed during the systemic transformation: 1) resources of power which are not anchored institutionally, 2) elite – masses division, 3) forming of democratic leadership; claiming that these should be studied from the neutral perspective. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state's foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry's functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy. ; This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state's foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry's functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy.

Celem poniższego artykułu jest przeprowadzenie analizy na temat kultury strategicznej Węgier po zmianach ustrojowych. Poznanie węgierskiej kultury strategicznej jest niezbędne do zrozumienia decyzji strategicznych i politycznych dotyczących bezpieczeństwo dla sojuszników oraz partnerów politycznych. Węgierska strategia opiera się między innymi na położeniu geopolitycznym, doświadczeniach historycznych o sytuacji wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej. Węgry są małym krajem, co uwarunkuje jego kulturę strategiczną. Kraj podobnie jak inne państwa w regionie po upadku Układu Warszawskiego jednoznacznie określił cel strategiczny - dołączenie się do struktury euroatlantyckiej. Najważniejszymi momentami okresu badanego jest zaproszenie do Organizacji Traktatu Północnoatlantyckiego w 1999 roku oraz dołączenie do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 roku. W badanym okresie 1990-2020 zostało wydanych 5 strategii bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Dokumenty te są podstawą do analizy kierunku rozwoju, jak i współpracy w aspekcie bezpieczeństwa kraju. Węgry od zmian ustrojowych prowadzili pokojową politykę w regionie. Mimo zgrzytów historycznych ciągnących się od dwóch wojen światowych, traktaty pokojowe nie zostały głównym elementem kultury nienawiści i wrogości. Najnowsza strategia z 2020 roku wydana na początku pandemii Sars-CoV-2 jest jedną z najbardziej rozbudowaną od 1990 roku. Mimo 30 lat od zmianach ustrojowych nie można mówić o własnej kulturze strategicznej Węgier. Kraj o małej potencjale społeczno-gospodarczym w dobie globalizacji nie ma możliwości tworzenia własnej kultury strategicznej bez uwzględnienia otoczenia a także sojuszników i organizacji międzynarodowych działających w regionie. Wynika to między innymi z charakteru uchwalenia i pracy nad strategią. Analiza opiera się na analizach dokumentów strategicznych w okresie 1990-2020, a także literatury węgierskiej. Ze względu na analizy dokumentów i literatury można wywnioskować charakterystyczne cechy kultury strategicznej regionu Środkowej Europy, a także doświadczenia historyczne z czasów zimnej wojny i strefy wschodniej do której Węgry należą. ; The aim of the article is to analyze the strategic culture of Hungary after the political changes in 1990. Getting to know the Hungarian strategic culture it is inevitable to understand the strategic political decisions regarding security for political allies and partners. The Hungarian strategy is based, inter alia, on the geopolitical situation, historical experience, internal and external situation. Hungary's culture is conducted by small countries situation. The country, similarly, to others in the region after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, clearly defined its strategic goals, which included the joining the Euro-Atlantic structures. The most important moments of the analyzed period are the invitation to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1999 and joining to the European Union in 2004. In the period from 1990 to 2020, five national strategies were issued. These documents are the basis for the analysis of development directions and cooperation in the aspect of security. Since the political changes, Hungary has pursued a peaceful policy in the region. Even the historical experiences of the two lost world wars and peace treaties, did not remain the main element of the Hungarian culture of hatred and hostility. The latest strategy from 20202, released at the beginning of the Sars-CoV-2 pandemic, is one of the most extensive strategy since 1990. Despite 30 years after the political changes, it is impossible to speak of Hungary's own strategic culture. A country with a small socio-economic potential in the era of globalization cannot create its own strategic culture without considering its location, allies and international organizations operating in the region. This is due, inter alia, to the nature of the adoption and work on the strategy. The analysis is based on analyzes of strategic documents in the period 1990-2020, as well as Hungarian literature. Due to the analysis of documents and literature it is possible to deduce the characteristic features of the strategic culture of the Central European region as well as historical experiences from the Cold War and the Eastern zone to which Hungary belongs.

This paper presents the significance of the issues related to the activity of territorial self-government for the social and economic development of Ukraine. The efficient operation of self-government in any country is unfeasible without financial resources. Polish experience in the development of territorial self-government is particularly valuable in relation to the reform of Ukraine's self-government. The paper outlines the differences in the structure and operation of territorial self-government in both countries. The paper is concluded with numerous observations on the direction of selected reforms of Ukrainian self-government. It shows the weaknesses of local self-government in Ukraine, which result from the lack of decentralization of finance and the small amount of state-collected taxes. The conclusions end with the observation that a consistent development of the Ukrainian state is required for Poland to develop well.

Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies.

The gathered empirical material (110 respondents) allowed the author to analyze the understanding of the results of the transformation of the political system in Poland, which occurred 30 years ago, among the farmers in the Sandomierz area. The aim of the analyses presented in the article is to describe generalised interpretations of the facts connected with the former political system and within their context, the assessments of the results of the systemic and economic transformations in the social and individual dimension. In general, the farmers feel they are the beneficiaries of the changes as a professional group. The diachronic assessment of the individual financial situation and the conditions of functioning of agriculture and economy in the country is very positive. The minority of the respondents has a sense of satisfaction due to the fact of Poland joining the UE. According to the farmers, at the beginning of the transformation period, the most important part of their action strategieswas played by individual and non-institutional resources. In their opinion, currently, there is still no equality of opportunities. Almost half of the respondents appreciate the introduction of the democratic system. The farmers are dissatisfied the most with the transfers of ownership; they appreciate the sphere of individual freedoms. The performed valorisation of multiple phenomena happening in the past three decades proves that there are varied expectations and as a result there are varied mindsets among respondents towards the transformation. The attitudes of satisfaction with the changes on the individual and macro-structural levels are dominant. ; Zebrany materiał empiryczny (110 respondentów) pozwolił na analizę rozumienia przez rolników Sandomierszczyzny skutków transformacji systemowej po upływie 30 lat od jej zaistnienia. Celem analiz zamieszczonych w artykule jest przedstawienie uogólnionych interpretacji faktów związanych z minionym ustrojem i w ich kontekście ocen rezultatów przemian ustrojowych i gospodarczych w wymiarze społecznym i jednostkowym. Rolnicy czują się w większości beneficjentami zmian jako grupa zawodowa. Bardzo pozytywna jest diachroniczna ocena indywidualnej sytuacji finansowej i warunków funkcjonowania rolnictwa oraz gospodarki kraju. Mniejszość badanych ma poczucie zadowolenia z przystąpienia Polski do UE. Według rolników u progu transformacji w strategii działania liczyły się zasoby indywidualne oraz zasoby pozainstytucjonalne. Twierdzą oni, że obecnie nadal brak jest równości szans. Niemal połowa badanych docenia wprowadzenie systemu demokratycznego. Rolnicy są najbardziej niezadowoleni z przekształceń własnościowych w państwie, doceniają zaś sferę wolności indywidualnych. Dokonana waloryzacja wielorakich zjawisk toczących się w minionych trzech dekadach świadczy o zróżnicowanych oczekiwaniach i co za tym idzie zróżnicowanych postawach respondentów wobec transformacji. Dominują postawy zadowolenia ze zmian w wymiarze indywidualnym i makrostrukturalnym.

In recent decades, society has fundamentally changed; there are political changes affecting education and, consequently, demands on teachers' work change, as well as parents' and society's expectations of teachers. The main aim of this qualitative research is to map the changes in the conditions of teachers' work in the Czech Republic in the last thirty years according to the subjective perception of teachers-experts, i.e. respondents. The respondents are teachers who have been active in the profession for at least thirty years. All the respondents are women working as primary school teachers (Dáša, Lucie, Jana, Danka, Blanka, Dominika, Karolína).In the research we deal with the following areas: interpersonal relationships at the workplace, communication and cooperation with pupils' parents, and the teacher-pupil relationship.The most important results of this research are as follows. The respondents are aware of and perceive the decreasing authority of the teacher today. They point out that the teacher's authority has degraded in the eyes of pupils, parents, and society. The most widespread problem faced by teachers is the disruptive behavior of pupils, which may interfere with teaching.Moreover, today's teachers sometimes have to deal with parents who are completely uncritical of their children, whom they trust completely. When problems arise, these parents never see the root cause in their child but in other classmates or, most frequently, in the teacher. If a child receives a bad grade, these parents are willing to go to the teacher and try to find the error on their side rather than in their own children.