Suchergebnisse

Tema ovog diplomskog rada je razmotriti određene političke aspekte Međunarodne nogometne federacije (FIFA-e) kroz okvire institucija, njihovog međuodnosa, probleme klijentelizma i korupcije te način na koji obliku FIFA-u. Također se nastoje ispitati korijeni samog nastanka FIFA-e te razvijanja organizacije koja u sve učestalijim slučajevima izlazi izvan okvira udruge kako je službeno definirana te kroz takvo djelovanje postaje organizacijom koja igra ozbiljnu ulogu na sceni međunarodnih odnosa. FIFA kao organizacija je globalni akter te putem utjecajnih kanala oblikuje politike oko nas. Tome za zahvaliti je činjenica što je nogomet ima toliko visoku razinu popularnosti u svijetu da ga se ne može smatrati samo igrom, već katalizatorom politike. Zbog intenzivnog razvoja u relativno kratkom roku, FIFA nije razvijala svoju unutarpolitički sustav te zbog toga došla do zida zbog kojeg uništava samu sebe iskorištavanjem loše definiranih međuinstitucijskih odnosa. Ona ima različite učinke kako na nogomet, tako i na društvo što često dovodi do nesrazmjera i izrazito polariziranoj slici FIFA-e u javnosti. U ovom radu možemo razaznati zašto je FIFA toliko jedinstven pojam kada govorimo o politici i međunarodnim odnosima, s obzirom na to da je njezina moć koju legitimno posjeduje izuzetno diskutabilan pojam. Kroz definiciju političkih aspekata FIFA-e, nastojim istražiti izlazi li FIFA iz okvira udruge civilnog društva, ponajviše zbog sve učestalijih slučajeva korupcije, klijentelizma, ali i pojave organiziranog kriminala. ; The topic of this thesis is to consider certain political aspects of the International Football Federation (FIFA) through the framework of institutions, their interrelationships, problems of clientelism and corruption, and the way in which they shape FIFA. This thesis tries also to examine the roots of the very origin of FIFA and the development of an organization that in more and more cases goes outside the framework of an association as FIFA is officially defined. Through such activities, FIFA becomes ...

Conceptual-typological Aspects of Local Electoral Systems A democracy cannot be built unless it is based on free elections. Elections are a sine qua non condition of democratic governance. Elections are the central procedure of representation in modern democracies, and our generation has made substantial progress in understanding how voters come to make decisions. The elections were imposed in the constitutional history of the world as activities whose social and political effervescence in society is specific, competitions in which the best ones win. In fact, we make the first finding: the local electoral system is a fundamental area of society, the way it is managed and carried out, it reflects the level of development of democracy. The country's implementing bodies are chosen and this is why it is so important that it is organized and carried out correctly, transparently and democratically. The local electoral system is essentially created for citizens and must represent their interests, which we must recognize, often in practice does not happen very often. The actuality of the theme of this article starts from the premise that an electoral system is closely linked to democracy, because it expresses its values, thus constituting an indicator of the democratic character of a society and, at the same time, it contributes to the strengthening of democracy. Although there are different realities, and the electoral procedures differ from state to state, however, it can be said that, depending on how the mandates for the eligible positions are distributed (won), there are three modalities of electoral system: majority electoral system; proportional electoral system; mixed electoral system.

Iskustvo Drugoga židovskoga ustanka protiv Rimljana znatno je utjecalo na susljedni razvoj židovske misli u pitanjima mesijanizma i eshatologije. Mesijanizam je u srednjostrujaškom židovstvu postao pasivan, što se odrazilo na političke ambicije obnove židovske državnosti, koje su nakon 135. skoro potpuno splasnule. Posljedice ustanka zbog židovskoga su shvaćanja povijesti kao relevantne za teološku epistemologiju dovele do vjerski utemeljenoga političkoga kvijetizma, zbog kojega je vjerski židovski stav prema cionizmu sve do nedavno odražavao izrazitu nesklonost. Do promjene u tom stavu počelo je dolaziti iz istoga razloga, a to je povijesno iskustvo osnutka i obrane Države Izrael. ; The second Jewish revolt against the Romans has significantly influenced the shaping of subsequent Jewish messianic and eschatological thought. Largely due to the Revolt, mainstream Judaism has adopted a passive messianic attitude, and Jewish ambitions to reestablish statehood in Palestine has almost entirely subsided. Historical experience of the Bar–Kokhba revolt combined with the Jewish perception of history, as relevant to theological epistemology, has produced faith–based political quietism which marked Judaism for centuries. The attitude of religious Jews to political Zionism, when it first appeared, was very averse and remained such until rather recently. Change in the attitude was prompted by the same reason, which is historical experience of the establishment and defense of the State of Israel.

Sukob niskog intenziteta je koncept čiji začetci datiraju u osamdesete godine prošlog stoljeća, a definira se kao političko-vojna konfrontacija između suprotstavljenih država ili skupina koja je slabijeg intenziteta od konvencionalnog rata i jačeg od mirne i rutinske konkurencije država. Često uključuje dugotrajne borbe konkurentskih načela i ideologija, a kreće se od subverzije do uporabe oružane sile. Vođen je kombinacijom sredstava, primjenom političkih, ekonomskih, informacijskih i vojnih instrumenata. Sukobi niskog intenziteta često su lokalnog karaktera, uglavnom u zemljama u razvoju, ali sadrže regionalne i globalne sigurnosne implikacije. Najznačajniji sadržaj ; Low-intensity conflict is a concept whose beginnings date back to the 1980s and it is defined as a political-military confrontation between contending states or groups below the intensity of conventional war and above the routine, peaceful competition among states. It frequently involves protracted struggles of competing principles and ideologies. Low-intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of the armed forces. It is waged by a combination of means, employing political, economic, informational and military instruments. Low-intensity conflicts are often localized, generally in developing countries, but contain regional and global security implications. The most significant content of the low-intensity con flict in the country being acted upon is insurgency, whether it is being helped or crushed. Insurgency is an organized, armed political struggle aimed at seizing power through revolutionary takeover and replacement of the existing government. This paper provides an overview of previous research on the topic of low-intensity conflict and presents its key components.

Rad obuhvaća pregled redatelja i filmova Novoga Hollywooda te društveno-politički kontekst i mijene u američkome načinu života, koje su prethodile nastanku tzv. blockbustera, odnosno novožanrovskih filmova. U radu će biti riječ o svježem autorskom pristupu žanrovskomu filmu generacije školovanih redatelja koji će u svojim djelima uspješno revalorizirati žanr, a od kojih će nekolicina marketinškom stručnošću osigurati nastavke svojih filmova u (i danas vrlo popularnomu) obliku franšize. Kroz analizu opusa novoholivudskih redatelja mlađe, a dijelom i starije, generacije demonstrirat će se njihov odnos prema društvenim i političkim okolnostima, revitalizacija marginaliziranih žanrova kao i stilska obilježja filmova, poput intertekstualnosti, citatnosti, pastiša, hommagea (posvete) itd. ; The paper includes an overview of New Hollywood directors and their films, as well as the sociopolitical context and changes in the American way of life that preceded the arrival of the so-called blockbusters, i.e. new genre films. The paper will discuss a new approach to the genre film by a generation of educated directors who will successfully renew genre in their works and, in some cases, make sequels in the form of (even today very popular) franchise. The analysis of some works made by a younger and partly older generation will show their relation to social and political circumstances, revitalization of marginalized genres, as well as stylistic features such as: intertextuality, citations, pastiche, homage (dedication), etc.

Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.

Politički savjetnici obilježje su suvremene državne uprave. Predstavljaju osobe koje temeljem imenovanja prema nedefiniranim kriterijima pružaju savjete ministru ili premijeru u pogledu javnih politika, političkih aspekata i koordinacije ili odnosa s javnošću. Dolaze i odlaze s ministrom, a njihov je status u pravilu nejednako reguliran u pojedinim državama, ako je uopće i reguliran. Javljaju se zbog promjena u upravljanju, potrebe za jačanjem koordinacije, vodstva i strategije kao i odgovora na intenziviranje komunikacija. Dovode do promjena u odnosu između politike i uprave u državnoj upravi, a osnovne zamjerke i nepovjerenje javnosti proizlaze iz netransparentnosti, izostanka regulacije i nedostatka odgovornosti. U radu se razmatraju razlozi zbog kojih politički savjetnici postaju neizostavan dio ministarskih kabineta, analiziraju se pojam, vrste i funkcije političkih savjetnika te opisuju posljedice i ključni elementi koncepta. Naglašava se važnost uređenja statusa političkih savjetnika i transparentnosti radi osiguravanja ostvarivanja javnog interesa i povjerenja javnosti u institucije. ; These days political advisors are indispensable to state administration. They are appointed to their positions to advise ministers and the prime minister on public policy, various political aspects and coordination, or on public relations and aspects of communication. Their appointments depend on the minister's term of office. Political advisors are not part of the civil service and different states take different approaches, if any at all, to regulating their status. The need for political advisors arises in conjunction with changes in management, the need to strengthen coordination, leadership and strategy, as well as the need to address a growing intensity of communication. Political advisors constitute a new factor in the dynamic between politicians and civil servants, and they bring about changes in the relationship between politics and administration. They generate a mistrust among the general public, due to a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as the fact that, as a rule, their position is governed by specific regulations, if any at all. Conflict of interest, in particular, is a cause for concern. The paper examines the reasons why political advisors may become key members of ministerial cabinets, analyses the concept of the political advisor and their various types and functions, and describes the consequences and key elements of the concept. Trends in some countries are also included.

Autor u tekstu analizira utjecaj migracijske krize na Europsku uniju kroz sigurnosnu i politološku dimenziju, te recepciju tog diskursa kod političkih elita i građana. Pritom posebno naglašava humanitarnu, ali i sigurnosnu dimenziju percepcije imigranata, izbjeglica i tražitelja azila kao nekih novih "umjetnih" manjina u Europskoj uniji. S druge strane, takvi procesi sve se više izražavaju kao prijetnja sigurnosti oličena u povećanju ksenofobije i razisma, dok pojedine političke elite u Uniji imigrante percipiraju kroz prizmu "antigrađana". Nadalje, u tekstu se analizira proces sekuritizacije identiteta izbjeglica, koji se kroz govorni akt u pojedinim zemljama članicama EU karakteriziraju kao prvenstveno sigurnosna ugroza, što za posljedicu ima povećanje nasilja nad manjinama i negativno se reflektira na unutarnju koheziju Europske unije te njezinu sposobnost da upravlja migracijskom krizom. Na kraju, polazeći od određenih teorijskih i empirijskih postavki, autor želi ponuditi sveobuhvatan pregled migracijske krize na europskom tlu u cilju smanjenja negativne reverzibilnosti na ostvarivanje prava manjina u Europskoj uniji. ; In this article author is analyzing influence of migration crisis on the European Union through security and political dimension, and reception of these discourses among political elite and citizens. Author's special attention is on humanitarian, but also on security dimension of perception of immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers as "new" artificial minorities in the European Union. On other hand, such processes are increasingly being portrayed as a security threat, embodied in the increase of xenophobia and racism, whereby some political elites in the EU perceive immigrants as "anti-citizens". Author also analyzes the securitization of refugees' identity, which is being presented (through the speech acts) as the security threat in some EU member states. The consequence of such developments is the increase of violence against minorities and the negative impact on the inner cohesion within the EU, as well as its capacities to manage the migration crisis. Finally, starting from theoretical and empirical assumptions, the author offers a comprehensive review of the European migration crisis in order to reduce the negative reversibility on achieving minority rights in the EU.

Ovaj diplomski rad odgovara na istraživačko pitanje: kako se razvijala proračunska transparentnost u Gradu Bjelovaru za vrijeme aktualnog mandata lokalne vlasti u periodu 2017.-2020.? Provedena je studija slučaja u kojoj su korištene dvije kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka – intervju i analiza dokumenata. Prikupljena građa kodirana je prema pravilima kvalitativne analize sadržaja. U zaključku rada iznosi se kako se razvoj proračunske politike u Bjelovaru može odrediti, iako uz neke manjkavosti, kao primjer ili aspekt dobrog upravljanja. Zajednička načela lokalne proračunske politike i koncepta dobrog upravljanja su – transparentnost i odgovornost. Četiri su glavna i relevantna elementa razvoja proračunske politike Bjelovara: transparentnost kao cilj, aplikacija Transparentno i projekt "Grad Bjelovar – najtransparentniji grad u Hrvatskoj" kao osnovni instrumenti, gradonačelnik kao ključan akter zajedno sa svojim suradnicima i građani kao glavna ciljana skupina. Upravo je iscrpan pregled difuzne i nejasne literature o konceptu dobrog upravljanja koji je relativno nov u području javnih politika, i sistematičan prikaz svih autora koji ga definiraju na različite načine, važan doprinos ovog znanstvenog rada. Ovaj rad predstavlja politološki pogled na ekonomsku temu te ističe važnost proceduralne dimenzije transparentnosti – važno je kako se odlučivalo o procesu. ; This paper attempts to provide an answer to the following research question: how did the budgetary transparency develop in the city of Bjelovar during the term of office of the current local authorities in the period between 2017 and 2020? In order to do that, a case study was undertaken, for which the two qualitative data collection methods were used – the interview and the document analysis. The collected data has been coded in accordance with the rules of qualitative data analysis. In its conclusion, this paper states that the development of budgetary transparency in the city of Bjelovar can be labeled, despite some defects, as an example of an ...

Srpska demokratska stranka (akr. SDS) bila je radikalna, etnonacionalistička stranka srpskoga puka koja je osnovana 17. veljače 1990. na platou ispred Željezničkoga kolodvora u Kninu, a 6. ožujka 1990. upisana je u Registar društvenih organizacija SR Hrvatske. Osnivačkoj skupštini nazočilo je sedam tisuća građana srpske nacionalnosti koji su aklamacijom podržali pročitani programski dokument. SDS osnovao je akademik Jovan Rašković, šibenski psihijatar, pod "dirigentskom palicom" srbijanske Službe državne bezbednosti (akr. SDB), na čijem se čelu u to vrijeme nalazio haški optuženik Jovica Stanišić, vjerni Miloševićev sljedbenik. SDS je imao vodeću političku ulogu u ratnim događanjima u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. Njezini su članovi organizirali naoružavanje Srba, podržavali ubijanje, protjerivanje i druge ratne zločine protiv pripadnika nesrpskoga puka na području Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Općinski je odbor SDS-a za Općinu Podravska Slatina na čelu s Milunom Karadžićem na području Općine Podravska Slatina organizirao naoružavanje srpskoga puka, iskazao građanski neposluh i blokirao rad Općinske skupštine Podravska Slatina. Nakon SDS-ove blokade rada Izvršnoga vijeća Općinske skupštine Podravska Slatina reagirao je ministar pravosuđa i uprave Branko Babac. On je 24. srpnja 1991. donio Naredbu o poduzimanju posebnih mjera u općini Podravska Slatina kojom je raspuštena Skupština Općine Podravska Slatina, a istovremeno je imenovao povjerenika Vlade Republike Hrvatske. ; The Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) was a radical ethnic-nationalist Serbian party, founded on the platform in front of the railway station in Knin on February 17, 1990 and registered in the Register of Social Organizations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia on March 6, 1990. The Founding Assembly was attended by seven thousand citizens of Serbian nationality, who gave their support to the program document by acclamation. Academician Jovan Raskovic, a psychiatrist from Sibenik, founded SDS under control of the Serbian State Security Sevice ("SDB"), at that time led by the Hague indictee Jovica Stanisic, a faithful Milosevic follower. SDS had a leading political role in war events in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its members organized the arming of Serbs, supported killing, expelling and other war crimes against non-Serbs in the territory of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. SDS Municipal Committee for the Municipality of Podravska Slatina headed by Milun Karadic organized the arming of Serbs in the area of the Municipality of Podravska Slatina, expressed civil disobedience and blocked the functioning of the Municipal Assembly of Podravska Slatina. After SDS had blocked the function of the Executive Council of the Municipal Assembly of Podravska Slatina, a reaction came from the Justice and Administration Minister Branko Babac. On July 24, 1991 he issued the Order to take special measures in the Municipality of Podravska Slatina, whereupon the Assembly of the Municipality of Podravska Slatina was dissolved and a Commissioner of the Croatian Government was appointed at the same time.

Ovaj se rad bavi analizom glazbenih preferencija i političkog ponašanja kod studenata na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu. U skladu s navedenim provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=140). Prvi dio rada obuhvaća teorijski pregled pri čemu se dotiče dosadašnjih istraživanja u sferi glazbenih preferencija te različitih aspekata političkog ponašanja. U drugom dijelu rada provedeno je istraživanje u kojem su se mjerile glazbene preferencije i političko ponašanje mladih. U kontekstu glazbenih preferencija obuhvaćene su sljedeće komponente: učestalost slušanja glazbe, utjecaj slušanja glazbe na život studenata i preferencije prema pojedinom žanru glazbe. Kako bi izmjerili političko ponašanje studenata mjerena je: politička orijentacija studenata, izlaznost na izbore, participacija u strankama, na prosvjedima, potpisivanjima peticija i štrajkovima, učestalost političkog informiranja, podrška demokraciji te je provjeravano znanje o osnovnim političkim pojmovima. Istraživanjem se pokušalo provjeriti postoji li povezanost između tih dvaju faktora. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali kako su lijevo orijentirani ispitanici manje skloni popularno tradicionalnom glazbenom ukusu te pokazuju veću razinu političke participacije. Također, pokazalo se kako ispitanici u čijim životima glazba ima velik utjecaj, pokazuju manju razinu znanja o politici. ; This paper deals with the analysis of musical preferences and political behaviour among students at the University of Zagreb. In accordance following the aforementioned, a study was conducted on students of the University of Zagreb (N=140). The first part of the paper includes a theoretical overview, touching on previous research in the field of musical preferences and various aspects of political behaviour. In the second part, the research was conducted in which the musical preferences and political behaviour were measured. In the context of the musical components, the following components were included: frequency of the listening to the music, the impact on their ...

The question of the legal nature of the European Union (hereafter: the EU) has been left unanswered to date. Determining the legal nature is important for predicting the consequences, limits and ways of action of any organization, including the EU. Today, the EU is most often defined as a sui generis organization. Given the limited analytical value of the term sui generis, it is important to determine its content. For this purpose, it is necessary to analyze, along with the political aspect of the community, the formal and legal ones, which includes the analysis of federal, international and other elements contained in the legal and political system of the EU. Also, a comparison between the formal and political elements of the EU and a typical federal society such as the United States of America will be made, with the aim of determining the specific features of the EU which prevent it from being called "the United States of Europe". The most prominent definitions of the EU offered by prominent theorists will be briefly addressed in this article.

This paper investigates issues related to female identity in the broader context of its relations to national identity, using two novels as examples, Ana Đokić's Gordana među vrbama (Gordana amid Willows), and Recepti za sreću (Recipes for Good Fortune). Theoretical instruments are proposed for the investigation of gender-nation relations pointing to the phenomena of gendered nationhood and nationed gender, as well as to the traumatic consequences of such relations when contaminated by patriarchal aspects. The issues of Yugoslav identity viewed from within the post-Yugoslav frame is also addressed which raises the point of the missing or zero signifier, the effects of which undermine the stability of identity as 'signified' and induces trauma, as both novels reveal. A cognitive perspective is also applied to the two texts to provide a deeper understanding of the traumatic dimension of characters and of the therapeutic effects of the text itself, which in its totality assumes the position of the zero signifier.

This paper deals with various issues concerning the establishment and inauguration of the first Croatian supplementary school in Italy, the shaping of the curriculum and the forming of heterogeneous learning groups. The paper also deals with the political aspect of the new institution. This school, located in Rome, has remained active to this day, with a curriculum that differs from the one in use in the Molise region, the home of the officially recognized Croatian national minority. The methodology is based on the analysis of the statistical data issued by the Italian Ministry of Education, of the legal regulations in effect at the time when the school was established, as well as today, and on the analysis of the pedagogical and linguistic theories by Bruner, Such, Widdicombe, Ivir-Ashsworth, Jelaska and Cvikić. The paper aims to show the modern and, indeed, progressive qualities of educational and cultural procedures in Croatian supplementary school in Rome, based on the principles set by the above mentioned authors. The task accomplished by the school is set in the context of creating/enforcing the national identity based on the cultural, historical, psychological and sociological principles, expounded by the monk Martinac, and by Fromm, Smith, Supek and Anholt. The establishing, organizing and functioning of the school is also analysed in consideration of the legal framework in the period from 1998 to 2015, as well as regarding the aspect of cultural diversity and cultural integration.