Suchergebnisse

The Spanish Civil War created a conflict for Americans who preferred that the United States remain uninvolved in foreign affairs. Despite the country's isolationist tendencies, opposition to the rise of fascism across Europe convinced many Americans that they had to act in support of the Spanish Republic. While much has been written about the war itself and its international volunteers, little attention has been paid to those who coordinated these relief efforts at home. This book tells the story of the political campaigns to raise aid for the Spanish Republic as activists pushed the limits of isolationist thinking. Those concerned with Spain's fate held a range of political convictions (including anarchists, socialists, liberals, and communists) with very different understandings of what fascism was. Yet they all agreed that fascism's advance must be halted. With labor strikes, fund-raising parties, and ambulance tours, defenders of Spain in the United States sought to shift the political discussion away from isolation of Spain's elected government and toward active assistance for the faltering Republic. Examining the American political organizations affiliated with this relief effort and the political repression that resulted as many of Spain's supporters faced the early incarnations of McCarthyism's trials, this book provides an understanding of American politics during the crucial years leading up to World War II. By also focusing on the impact the Spanish Civil War had on those of Spanish ethnicity in the United States, this book shows how close to home the seemingly distant war really hit. --

"Front Cover" -- "Contents" -- "Foreword" -- "Acknowledgments" -- "About the Editors and Contributors" -- "Abbreviations" -- "Overview" -- "Introduction" -- "Framing the Problem" -- "The Empirical Investigation" -- "World Development Report 2015 in Action" -- "Contributions of This Volume" -- "Summaries of the Chapters" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Chapter 1 A Behavioral Approach to Water Conservation: Evidence from Costa Rica" -- "Introduction" -- "Policy Options to Face a Looming Water Deficit" -- "Intervention Design" -- "Implementation" -- "Results" -- "Conclusion" -- "Annex 1A" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Chapter 2 Promoting Tax Compliance in Guatemala Using Behavioral Economics: Evidence from Two Randomized Trials" -- "Introduction" -- "Experiment 1: Reminder Letters to Promote Tax Compliance" -- "Experiment 2: Online CAPTCHA Prompts to Improve Accuracy of Tax Declarations" -- "Further Opportunities for Behavioral Experiments" -- "Conclusion" -- "Annex 2A" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Chapter 3 Enhancing Child Development through Changes to Parental Behaviors: Using Conditional Cash Transfers in Nicaragua" -- "Introduction" -- "Local Context" -- "Policy Options" -- "Intervention Design" -- "Implementation" -- "Results" -- "Conclusion" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Chapter 4 When Winners Feel Like Losers: Evidence from an Energy Subsidy Reform" -- "Introduction" -- "The 2011 Gas Subsidy Reform" -- "Data and Analysis" -- "The Empirical Model" -- "Results" -- "Conclusion" -- "Note" -- "References" -- "Chapter 5 Redistribution in Times of Fiscal Pressure: Using Games to Inform a Subsidy Reform in El Salvador" -- "Introduction" -- "Local Context" -- "Policy Options" -- "Intervention Design" -- "Implementation" -- "Results" -- "Conclusion" -- "Annex 5A" -- "Notes" -- "References

Fox Populism offers fresh insights into why the Fox News Channel has been both commercially successful and politically effective. Where existing explanations of Fox's appeal have stressed the network's conservative editorial slant, Reece Peck sheds light on the importance of style as a generative mode of ideology. The book traces the historical development of Fox's counter-elite news brand and reveals how its iconoclastic news style was crafted by fusing two class-based traditions of American public culture: one native to the politics in populism and one native to the news field in tabloid journalism. Using the network's coverage of the late-2000s economic crisis as the book's principal case study, Peck then shows how style is deployed as a political tool to frame news events. A close analysis of top-rated programs reveals how Fox hails its audience as 'the real Americans' and successfully represents narrow, conservative political demands as popular and universal

The commodification of food in a globalized economy has evolved culinary knowledge into an important cultural currency. Proliferated through food porn and social media, this commodification provides a critical lens into the connection between aesthetics, meritocratic values, and the perpetuation of colonial extraction. Once obscure outside of the Asian diaspora, hotpot has recently been popularized among the cosmopolitan food cognoscenti for its ability to immerse the senses and its authenticity especially. Through evaluation of hotpot dinners conducted in 2019 at different arts organizations and the use of auto ethnography, this thesis unpacks the relationships underlining cultural production, particularly with ethnic food, and regards socio-political context as central and not incidental. This mode of analysis utilizes non-linear and memoir-esque narrative, treating memory as equal to quantitative documentation, rejecting erasure, and expanding the colonial archive. Taking the position that institutional knowledge is never neutral, it attempts to treat personal agenda honestly, and allow dialogue beyond the limits of credentialism and institutionally legitimized knowledge. While these events considered whether the democratic form of hotpot could, as an embodied practice of cultural activation, provide a way to upend familiar hierarchies in cultural exchange and eating, the thesis steps back to re-situate this academic project within the socio-politic. In so doing, it documents the process of unlearning and self-extraction that took place, examining the value systems that create structures for routine aestheticization of people. As arts professionals, the weight of hegemony suggests greater vigilance in examining the connection between our profession and the imperial logics that propagate phenomena of culinary slumming, class passing, immigrant porn, artwashing, and gentrification.

In assessing the current Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania it has to be stated that it expresses and reflects political legal processes and the consequences thereof in democracy development. For the purposes of comprehending the entirety of the current Constitution system, it is essential to take account of the legal, political and historical aspects of this issue. All this predetermines a more comprehensive understanding of the Constitution's institutes and other phenomena thereof, also of the objective and subjective factors that influenced their formation. This is of major significance, since without the evaluation of the said and other circumstances, we will not succeed in finding the answer to the fundamental question, i.e. what is the genesis of the grounds of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania. This article examines the main legal political phenomena, which, in the author's opinion, were of vital importance in the creation of the current Lithuanian constitutional system. In this context, three stages can be distinguished. The period of 1988-1990 belongs to the first stage. The principal feature of this period was the revision of the functioning political system. The second stage of the Lithuanian constitutional development is to be associated with the period of validity of the Provisional Fundamental Law of the Republic of Lithuania. This period is to be defined as a transitional one, during which the conception of the constitutional grounds of the state of the Republic of Lithuania became mature. The third development stage commenced from 25 October 1992, with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, which is continued into today.

El período de la historia argentina que se extiende entre el Cordobazo y el retorno de Perón ha sido particularmente turbulento. A la crisis de acumulación que se arrastraba desde la década de 1950, se sumó una activación popular que derivó en una crisis de régimen y forzó la apertura democrática. En este terreno convulsionado se gestó el retorno de Perón, proscrito durante 18 años. Además de los apoyos que su retorno suscitó en la clase obrera y la pequeña burguesía, el Peronismo contó con el respaldo de distintos sectores de la clase dominante. En muchos casos, se trató de los mismos sectores que habían avalado el golpe de 1955 y la proscripción de los años subsiguientes. En este artículo nos proponemos analizar, a partir de la reconstrucción de la intervención política de las principales corporaciones empresarias, las disputas en el seno de la clase dominante en torno al retorno del Peronismo. Observaremos el resurgimiento de la alianza reformista, sus enfrentamientos con el polo "liberal" y la atracción que despertó el Peronismo sobre distintos núcleos empresarios. Esperamos contribuir al conocimiento de uno de los aspectos menos estudiados de este proceso. ; The period in Argentina's history that extends between Cordobazo and Perón's return was particularly turbulent. A crisis of accumulation that had dragged on since the 1950s, together with popular activism led to a regime crisis and forced an opening to democracy. In this troubled landscape Perón's return, banned for 18 years, was conceived. In addition to the support his return elicited from the working class and the petty bourgeoisie, Peronism was also supported by various sectors of the ruling class. In many cases, it was the same sectors that had supported the coup of 1955 and the prohibition of the following years. In this paper we analyze, based on the reconstruction of political interventions by major interest groups, the disputes within the ruling class about the return of Peronism. We study the resurgence of the reformist alliance, their confrontations with the "liberal" pole and the attraction that Peronism held for many entrepreneurs. We hope to contribute to the knowledge of one of the least studied aspects of this process. ; Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales

List of Illustrations; Acknowledgements; Part I. Rethinking Economics and the Environment; Chapter 1. Limits to Growth -- of What?; Chapter 2. The Twin Tragedies of Open Access; Chapter 3. Pursuing Profits -- or Power?; Chapter 4. Rent in a Warming World; Chapter 5. Universal Assets for Universal Income; Chapter 6. Universal Basic Income: Six Questions; Chapter 7. Environmentalism's Original Sin; Chapter 8. Rethinking Extinction; Part II. Environmental Injustice; Chapter 9. Inequality and the Environment; Chapter 10. Clean Air for All; Chapter 11. Letter from Flint; Chapter 12. Let Them Drink Pollution?; Chapter 13. Letter from Delhi; Chapter 14. Mapping the Environmental Riskscape; Chapter 15. Measuring Pollution Inequality; Chapter 16. Cleaning the Air and Cooling the Planet; Part III. Climate Policy; Chapter 17. Smart Climate Policy; Chapter 18. Investment in Disadvantaged Communities; Chapter 19. Dividends for All; Chapter 20. Truth Spill; Chapter 21. Four Pillars of Climate Justice; Chapter 22. The Perverse Logic of Offsets; Chapter 23. Climate Policy as Wealth Creation; Chapter 24. The Carbon Dividend; Chapter 25. Keeping the Government Whole; Chapter 26. Air Quality Co-benefits in Climate Policy; Chapter 27. Climate Adaptation: Protecting Money or People?; Chapter 28. Forging a Sustainable Climate Policy; Notes; Publication History; Index.

The problem of legitimacy of Francoism, a regime emerged from the guns and not ballots, is on the basis of their partisan manipulation of the person and the reign of Isabella the Catholic. Examined the relationship between power and femininity, there is every reason to understand why uses precisely this historical character, how and where it manipulates. This last aspect is studied through a threefold viewpoint: the official discourse, historiography and school indoctrination. From all this follows, in my view, the interpretative distortion of the reign and the rough manipulation of Isabella I, unilaterally assigned to the winning side. This is a misappropriation issued of double motivation: an exemplary effort in order to inoculate certain values among the public and, more specifically, in the female group; and a purpose of political legitimacy, forgetting the military uprising and displaying the mythified Catholic Queen as the link between that glorious Spain and Franco's New State. ; El problema de legitimidad que arrastra el franquismo, un régimen surgido de las armas y no de las urnas, se encuentra en la base de su instrumentalización partidista de la figura y reinado de Isabel la Católica. Examinadas las relaciones entre poder y femineidad, sobran razones para entender por qué recurre precisamente a este personaje histórico, cómo y dónde lo manipula (estudiado a través de la vertiente oficial, la producción historiográfica y el adoctrinamiento escolar). De todo ello se deriva, a mi juicio, la distorsión interpretativa del reinado y la burda manipulación de Isabel I, adscrita de forma unilateral al bando vencedor. Se trata de una apropiación indebida fruto de una doble motivación: un afán ejemplarizante, en aras a inocular determinados valores entre la ciudadanía y, más en concreto, en el colectivo femenino; y un propósito de legitimación política, olvidándose del levantamiento militar y presentando a la mitificada reina católica como el nexo de unión entre aquella España gloriosa y el Nuevo Estado de Franco.

"This study is about new media, young people, the crisis of democracy and political renewal. It addresses a mixture of traditional and new questions: What is the political? How do we understand politics in a 'network age'? Can we talk sensibly about the concept of generation and generational change? Does democracy have a future? This book presents an optimistic assessment of how digital media supports new and distinctive forms of politics. Four case studies are offered: one of performance art and protest in Russia, another investigates new media campaigns to defend the rights to freedom of speech and copyright in America, one enquires into indigenous art and cartoons as politics in outback Australia and the last explores new forms of student action in schools and the university"--

My dissertation examines the "mi-yi" (secret doctors) as a threshold figure within twentieth-century Taiwanese society. The threshold figure is employed in my study to identify the "mi-yi" as a fugitive subject shuttling between secrecy and publicity, absence and presence, as well as legality and illegality. The dissertation pursues genealogies of "mi-yi" by examining the various treatments of the "mi-yi" during different eras of Taiwan modernity: by Japanese colonial medicine, during the Chinese nationalist regime, and by the U.S. Cold War development in Asia. My project focuses on the transnational history of medical knowledge production and practices that came to define the hierarchies of life and labor in the modern juridical and political senses of the terms. I pursue the genealogies of "secret doctors" in Taiwan to explore how the scientific discourse of medical modernity converges with state politics that redefined the legality and illegality of medical knowledge and practices, thereby further subjugating non-normative medical subjects and practices to the margins of society and humanity. Offering a critical examination of the regime of an administrative and bureaucratic legality along with analyses of medical public cultures, literary representations, and anthropological narratives, this research shows how the scientific notion of medical modernization gets codified into the law as the governance of the body, labor, and affect, and how the state cumulatively extends its power over the domain of medical care and public health. In tracing the genealogies of the "mi-yi" figure in Taiwanese society and its transnational politics of knowledge production, I explain how the illegality of medical practices and the hierarchical structure of production and reproduction of labor became central to Taiwan's modernization, a process that transformed perceptions and practices about the globalized medical cultures and politics

"Labeling a person, institution or particular behavior as 'corrupt' signals both political and moral disapproval and, in a functioning democracy, should stimulate inquiry, discussion, and, if the charge is well-founded, reform. This book argues...that the political community and scholars alike have underestimated the extent of corruption in the United States and elsewhere and thus, awareness of wrong-doing is limited and discussion of necessary reform is stunted. In fact, there is a class of behaviors and institutions that are legal, but corrupt. They are accepted as legitimate by statute and practice, but they inflict very real social, economic, and political damage. This book explains why it is important to identify legally accepted corruption and provides a series of examples of corruption using this perspective."--

In 1990, months before crowds in Moscow and other major cities dismantled their monuments to Lenin, residents of the western Ukrainian city of Lviv toppled theirs. William Jay Risch argues that Soviet politics of empire inadvertently shaped this anti-Soviet city, and that opposition from the periphery as much as from the imperial center was instrumental in unraveling the Soviet Union. Lviv's borderlands identity was defined by complicated relationships with its Polish neighbor, its imperial Soviet occupier, and the real and imagined West. The city's intellectuals--working through compromise rather than overt opposition--strained the limits of censorship in order to achieve greater public use of Ukrainian language and literary expression, and challenged state-sanctioned histories with their collective memory of the recent past. Lviv's post-Stalin-generation youth, to which Risch pays particular attention, forged alternative social spaces where their enthusiasm for high culture, politics, soccer, music, and film could be shared. The Ukrainian West enriches our understanding not only of the Soviet Union's postwar evolution but also of the role urban spaces, cosmopolitan identities, and border regions play in the development of nations and empires. And it calls into question many of our assumptions about the regional divisions that have characterized politics in Ukraine. Risch shines a bright light on the political, social, and cultural history that turned this once-peripheral city into a Soviet window on the West.