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This article explores an important aspect of post-career earnings in public life in Britain: membership of corporate boards by former parliamentarians, ministers and civil servants. It attempts to determine whether this group represents a distinct group within the wider network of interlocking corporate directorships in the UK. Further, it investigates the characteristics of those individuals who obtain appointments as non-executive directors to the boards of FTSE-listed companies after service in parliament and/or government. The analysis uses data on board membership and pay in Britain for more than 700 companies listed on the London Stock Exchange and over 7,500 directors and 1,000 former parliamentarians, government ministers and civil servants. The findings suggest that although this group is represented in the wider corporate network, these individuals are not more central than other directors and do not receive significantly different compensations once industry sector, experience and board role are controlled for. This article offers a novel insight into the interconnectedness of the public sphere and the corporate world. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores an important aspect of post-career earnings in public life in Britain: membership of corporate boards by former parliamentarians, ministers and civil servants. It attempts to determine whether this group represents a distinct group within the wider network of interlocking corporate directorships in the UK. Further, it investigates the characteristics of those individuals who obtain appointments as non-executive directors to the boards of FTSE-listed companies after service in parliament and/or government. The analysis uses data on board membership and pay in Britain for more than 700 companies listed on the London Stock Exchange and over 7,500 directors and 1,000 former parliamentarians, government ministers and civil servants. The findings suggest that although this group is represented in the wider corporate network, these individuals are not more central than other directors and do not receive significantly different compensations once industry sector, experience and board role are controlled for. This article offers a novel insight into the interconnectedness of the public sphere and the corporate world.

Lijphart's (1999) analysis maps countries along two dimensions of democratic institutions: 'executives-parties' or 'joint-power', and 'federal-unitary' or 'divided-power'. My 'meta-study' maps the methodology of Lijphart's mapping: the nature of indices (inputs or outputs), their logical interconnections, their susceptibility to institutional design ('constitutional engineering'), and their suitability for expressing the intended underlying concepts. Strikingly, the joint-power indicators are highly correlated and mostly logically connected output measures, which are not susceptible to institutional design, while the opposite is true for the divided-power dimension. For this dimension most indices are expert estimates of inputs, marginally correlated, yet subject to institutional design, limited by size dependence. Surprisingly, the parliamentary-presidential aspect of institutional design does not affect the picture. The connection between cabinet life and the number of parties is even stronger than found by Lijphart. Interest groups and central bank independence fit his dimensions empirically but less so logically. In sum, institutional design may be more difficult than sometimes assumed, but offers hope.

THE AUTHOR CLAIMS THAT DISCUSSIONS OF SOVEREIGNTY FALL INTO THREE BROAD GROUPS. IN THIS THEY REFLECT THE CONTEMPORARY CONCERNS OF THE DISCIPLINE AND THE ASSOCIATED LITERATURE. IN THE FIRST PLACE, SOVEREIGNTY IS USED TO REFER TO THE EXTENT TO WHICH A STATE IS FREE TO BEHAVE AS IT WISHES. THE SECOND BROAD APPROACH FOCUSES NOT ON THE ACTIVITY OF SOVEREIGN STATES BUT ON THE IDENTITY OF THOSE WHO CONTROL ITS DECISION-MAKING PROCESSES. THE THIRD CONCEPT APPROACHES THE STATE ONLY INDIRECTLY. IT RESTS ON THE PREMISE THAT SOVEREIGNTY IS AN IMMEDIATE ATTRIBUTE NOT OF THE STATE BUT OF THE NATION. THE AUTHOR STATES THAT THESE THREE USAGES ARE NOT ASPECTS OF A SINGLE INSTITUTION KNOWN AS STATE SOVEREIGNTY. THEY ARE ARE NOT EACH OF THEM FACETS OF THE SAME CONCEPT OR PHENOMENON. RATHER, THEY REPRESENT DIFFERENT USES OF THE TERM SOVEREIGNTY, AND HENCE DISTINCT CONCEPTS OF SOVEREIGNTY. THE AUTHOR GOES ON TO DEFINE CONSTITUENTS OF STATEHOOD, AND KEY FEATURES OF ACQUISITION OF SOVEREIGNTY.

Der Begriff »Roma« ist in der deutschen Gesellschaft ein Reizwort. Er steht für die Gefährdung des Wohlfahrtsstaates durch Armutsmigration und repräsentiert die Unsicherheit, die in den situierten Europäischen Norden einzudringen sucht. Die Chiffre »Roma« hat dementsprechend auch in lokalen Konflikten um Armutsmigration eine spezifische Funktion. Die AutorInnen des Bandes haben im Rahmen einer lokalpolitischen Feldstudie soziale Konflikte um Migration aus Südosteuropa und ihre Dynamiken untersucht und eröffnen eine neue Perspektive auf die Situation von Roma in der bundesdeutschen Gesellschaft.

This book explores how, if at all, the representation of Black interests is being pursued by Black mayors and whether Blacks' historically high expectations for Black mayors are being realized. --

The cultural turn in art therapy reflects global calls for mental health care that is rights-based, community-centered, and actively engaged in redressing inequality. Several questions emerge: What is the relationship of art, activism, and art therapy to these aims for health care practices? What are the relationships between care practices (of self, of community) and health justice? How might an emerging art therapist/artist/citizen in Chicago co-create opportunities to practice with these aims at the forefront? Inspired by Black feminism, disability justice, and their critical valuing of interdependent care practices as resistance, I undertook a series of art-based interviews with three local artists/activists. These interviews serve as the pilot project for an upcoming audio podcast series about practices of art, care, and social justice in Chicago. My aim is threefold: 1) illuminate local connections between art, social change, and practices of self and community care; 2) build community around these topics for mutual support and collaboration; and 3) offer these conversations in podcast form as an informational resource and an opportunity to engage virtually with a local and global audience.

In March of 1968, Pierre Viansson-Ponté wrote an article which would become famous: «When France Grows Bored», which treated with irony a conglomerate of elements which would explode soon after in France in May. There he noted something remarkably current: «the true objective of politics can not be restricted to administrating the common good 'the least bad possible'». But even this minimum seems violated in politics today by a succession of conservative decisions in which austerity is the word of order, whilst creativity to face the crisis seems also absent in the progressive visions. (NuSo/GIGA)

Caption title: Proceedings of the Democratic Republican State Convention. Summary: Convention nominated John C. Frémont for president, the Republican candidate, opposed the Democratic Party candidate James Buchanan. Notes: Initial address by J.S. Wadsworth. "Printed by order of the Convention." "Price $1.25 per 100; $10 per 1000. Orders to be sent to J.D. Parsons, Albany." FAU copy edges trimmed to 22 cm. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B17F36 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

Tensions within and between Religions and Human Rights; Copyright; Contents; Introduction; Universality of Human Rights and the Need for Parsimony; Freedom of Religion and Criminal Law: A Legal Appraisal; On the Foundations of Human rights; Religious Liberty in Political Perspective; The Impact of Religion on Freedom of Religion and Freedom of Speech Among Young Swedes; Human Rights among Muslims and Christians in Palestine and Germany; Women Rights and Religion among Christian and Islamic Students in Tanzania; Religious Socialisation and Values as Predictors of Human Rights Attitudes

Our research endeavours to demonstrate politics under these three aspects which constitute its theoretical backbone.We propose an approach of politics as a concept, having chosen Lindsey Collen's novels as background for this study. Our study considers politics under three aspects. The first aspect named "la police" by Jacques Rancière concerns the Mauritian society which is exposed as being a conjuction of economic and repressive apparatuses in charge of preserving the State. These forces fall under two categories namely Infrastructure and Superstructure, which function in order to maintain the State in its initial form. They act as conservative forces.The second aspect of politics involves a scission from this initial state in order to open the way to change and flexibility. Jacques Rancière calls it "la politique".The third and last moment of politics is an opening towards the unachieved, in echo to the concept of the « real », that is with the abstract and the unknown. In Rancière's theory it corresponds to "le politique". Politics intervenes in the novels when Collen makes use of images which transcend reality and confer another dimension to interpretation. We also considered the « other » as a concept in direct equivalence to politics. When referring to the other, we consider issues like utopia, the feminine, myths and dance. All these issues evoke alterity in the sense of bypassing the known in an attempt to open new options. ; Nous avons proposé une approche du concept de politique à partir des romans de Lindsey Collen qui auront servi de toile de fond à notre recherche. Notre étude envisage le politique en trois temps qui sont les trois temps selon lesquels Rancière définit le mouvement politique à savoir, l'état initial appelé police, la remise en question de cet état qui est le fait de la politique et l'option d'ouverture que Rancière appelle le politique. Le premier temps énonce un état (État) initial. C'est la société mauricienne qui sera, dans les romans de Collen, cet « état » initial. Elle sera ...

The detective story, focused on inquiries, and in its wake the spy novel, built around conspiracies, developed as genres in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During the same period, psychiatry was inventing paranoia, sociology was devising new forms of causality to explain the social lives of individuals and groups and political science was shifting the problematics of paranoia from the psychic to the social realm and seeking to explain historical events in terms of conspiracy theories. In each instance, social reality was cast into doubt. We owe the project of organizing and

Climate change has been a key factor in the rise and fall of societies and states from prehistory to the recent fighting in the Sudanese state of Darfur. It drives instability, conflict and collapse, but also expansion and reorganisation. The ways cultures have met the climate challenge provide lessons for how the modern world can handle the new security threats posed by unprecedented global warming. Combining historical precedents with current thinking on state stability, internal conflict and state failure suggests that overcoming cultural, social, political and economic barriers to successf