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Political campaigns are orchestrated attempts by political organizations to garner public support through persuasive communication in order to influence public policy in their favor. This broad definition encapsulates all forms of campaigns from those of neighborhood organizations seeking to influence local politicians to the campaigns of political parties and candidates who seek election to office in order to shape policy themselves. In pluralist democracies, campaigns are crucial for representation. Campaigns are a means by which groups of individuals with a common cause can communicate their stance and enable others with similar concerns to join their campaign; thus, campaigns give voice to those individuals and the supporters of their cause. The majority of academic research has focused on the campaigns orchestrated by those seeking election, in particular political parties or candidates seeking to be elected as national president. Due to the levels of resources, the campaigns run by candidates for the U.S. presidency are the most sophisticated and gain most attention. The campaign environment is more complex, however. This entry explores that complex environment, discusses the evolution of political campaigns to their current professionalized form, and concludes with research around campaign effects.

This study is aimed at exploring the persuasive language strategies used by the candidates of mayor of Gorontalo in the mayoral electoral campaign of 2018. The data, in form of utterances, were taken from the speeches of their political campaign by using video recording. After the data were collected, those were firstly classified into the types of persuasive language strategies, then analyzed and interpreted regarding the function and the way the speaker used those strategies to persuade the audience. The result showed that the three candidates used the similar strategies to influence the audience of their political campaign. Those strategies are reason and logic, evidence, attack, appeal to a sense of justice, appeal to the hip-pocket nerve, appeal to patriotism, repetition, and colloquial language. However, based on the interpretation, the different political background of the candidates influenced the way they used the strategies.

Political campaign spending ceilings are purported to limit the incumbent's ability to exploit his fundraising advantage. If the challenger does not have superior campaign effectiveness, in contrast to conventional wisdom, we show that the incumbent always benefits from a limit as long as he has an initial voter disposition advantage, however small and regardless of the candidates' relative fundraising ability. If the challenger has higher campaign spending effectiveness, the effect of limits may be non-monotonic. If the incumbent enjoys a mild initial voter disposition advantage, a moderate limit benefits the challenger. Further restricting the limit favours the incumbent. Stricter limits may lead to the unintended consequence of increased expected spending.

This paper characterizes the optimal advertising strategy of candidates in an election campaign, where groups of heterogeneous voters are targeted through media outlets. We discuss its effects on the implemented policy and relate it to the well-documented increase in polarization. Additionally, we empirically establish that polarization displays electoral cycles. These cycles emerge in the model as candidates find it optimal to cater to different groups of voters and thus to adjust policies. Further, technologies that allow targeting voters more precisely tend to increase polarization. Our prediction is confirmed empirically as an increase in internet penetration leads to higher polarization.

On January 6, 2021, rioters overcame police barricades and unlawfully entered the United States Capitol. In the weeks leading up to the attack on the Capitol, Facebook had been displaying ads for tactical gear and military equipment next to content that contained election misinformation. Facebook accounts that followed extremist content were targeted to receive these kinds of ads. This post was originally published on the Cardozo Arts & Entertainment Law Journal website on March 16, 2021. The original post can be accessed via the Archived Link button above.

[extract] Communications technologies have evolved dramatically over the centuries. Before Johannes Gutenberg's invention of the printing press in the fifteenth century, people communicated primarily through oral or hand-written means; processes that were slow and not conducive to mass communication. The Gutenberg printing press enabled printers to create multiple copies of documents, and led to the widespread dissemination of ideas and information. Ultimately, the press contributed to dramatic societal transformations, including the Renaissance, the Scientific Revolution, and the Protestant Reformation. After Gutenberg's invention, communications technologies remained relatively stagnant for many centuries until electricity was harnessed in the nineteenth century. Electricity had an equally profound impact on communication because it made it possible for information to move much more quickly than people could move, and led to an explosion of new technologies, including the telegraph, radio, television, and eventually satellite communications and the internet.Despite revolutionary advances in speech technologies, mass communication was tightly controlled for centuries. Throughout history, governments have tried to restrict or control communication through tactics such as the imposition of prior restraints, including content licensing, as well as through criminal prosecutions for seditious libel, Even when the government was not censoring or repressing speech, not uncommonly private individuals exercised control over the means of communication. Since most speech technologies were expensive to own and operate, not everyone could own or operate the means of communication. Even Benjamin Franklin, who was famous as a printer, among other things, struggled for a long time to acquire the means to purchase a printing press. Because of their cost, most communication technologies (including the printing press, telegraph, radio, television and satellites) were owned by a small number of rich people who controlled access to those technologies. As a result, advances in speech technology did not necessarily make it possible for ordinary people to engage in mass communication. Media moguls could favor the stories and political positions that they preferred.

This paper aims to describe political discourse that has a link with gender on outdoor media campaigns. The media of outdoor campaigns is the most effective public space to be able to convey various matters relating to a candidate for both a leader and a member of parliament especially if it is associated with gender which is still a major problem in Indonesia. Gender in Indonesian politics is still unbalanced considering not yet optimal and balance the contribution between men and women in politics world. It was a major concern on outdoor media campaign of a number of female candidates in the 2014 legislative election. Sources of data from this paper are taken from areas - Badung, Jembrana, Klungkung, and Denpasar. Method of data collection was done by way of recording by photographing media outdoor campaign containing information related to gender. Furthermore qualitative descriptive method became an option to describe the data - research data related to discourse theory and gender theory in the use of language. Result of the analysis showed that gender is one of the election discourses of the candidates of the people's representatives, especially the women to get the vote and sympathy. For that reason, the projection of the use of gender terms, equality of rights, and struggle with men is the primary choice to demonstrate the struggle for gender equality. Variations of use are also seen but by maintaining the gender side of women as parties who are fighting for their rights. Index Terms— gender, campaign, politic, discourse.

This study is aimed at finding out how meanings are realized in the election campaigns in the contemporary Indonesia and what role language takes in exercising power? The close-up linguistic analysis of three different texts has illustrated that the texts are rich in meanings: they make not just meanings about what goes on and why, but also meanings about relationship and attitudes, and meanings about distance and proximity. By relating specific linguistic choices to the construction and reflection of situational, cultural and ideological contexts, these three different texts have been shown to in fact encode meanings about such far reaching dimensions as: ways of talking to your die-hard fans, the experience of politicians, the responsibility of a statesman and expected behavior of a "good†leader. Meanings of the political campaigns in contemporary Indonesia are explicitly realized in a subtle ways. The exercise of power is achieved through ideological workings of language. Public space serves a rhetorical means. Competing figures establish their voices by constructing counter-narratives in public space. Key words: meanings, election campaign, cultural context, ideological context, public space, rhetorical means, counter narratives.

International audience ; Highlighting the recurrence of topics usage in candidates speeches is a key feature to identify the main ideas of each candidate during a political campaign. In this paper, we present a method combining standard topic modeling with signature mining for analyzing topic recurrence in speeches of Clinton and Trump during the 2016 American presidential campaign. The results show that the method extracts automatically the main ideas of each candidate and, in addition, provides information about the evolution of these topics during the campaign.

International audience ; Highlighting the recurrence of topics usage in candidates speeches is a key feature to identify the main ideas of each candidate during a political campaign. In this paper, we present a method combining standard topic modeling with signature mining for analyzing topic recurrence in speeches of Clinton and Trump during the 2016 American presidential campaign. The results show that the method extracts automatically the main ideas of each candidate and, in addition, provides information about the evolution of these topics during the campaign.

International audience ; Highlighting the recurrence of topics usage in candidates speeches is a key feature to identify the main ideas of each candidate during a political campaign. In this paper, we present a method combining standard topic modeling with signature mining for analyzing topic recurrence in speeches of Clinton and Trump during the 2016 American presidential campaign. The results show that the method extracts automatically the main ideas of each candidate and, in addition, provides information about the evolution of these topics during the campaign.

The theory of relevance presented by Dan Sperber and Deidre Wilson (1995) is a general theory of communication which has been developing over the past decades and apart from the theoretical developments it has been implemented as a tool for various analyses of discourse. The aim of the paper is to present a relevance theoretic account of a special kind of attributive use of campaign material which was employed by candidates in TV advertisements for the US presidential election campaign in 2012. Candidates use this special kind, echoic use, implementing it not only to criticise the opponent but also to justify their negative attitude towards the material mentioned. Echoic use proves to be a powerful tool not only to criticise and maintain credibility, but also allow irony which seems to be, along with discrediting the rival, the most powerful weapon at a politician's disposal.

We incorporate the media priming effects to explain how politicians can affect voters preferences on issues during the political campaign. We adapt well-known terms of international trade, such as absolute advantage and comparative advantage, to the context of parties' competition in political issues. We show that when either each party has an absolute advantage on a different issue or when parties have high comparative advantage on a different issue, the political campaign will consist of issue-emphasis divergence. However, when a party has an absolute advantage on both issues but the parties' comparative advantage is not high enough, the political campaign will consist of issue engagement or dialogue. Our results conciliate two separated theories concerning whether there must be dialogue or issue-emphasis divergence in the political campaign.

We incorporate the media priming effects to explain how politicians can affect voters preferences on issues during the political campaign. We adapt well-known terms of international trade, such as absolute advantage and comparative advantage, to the context of parties' competition in political issues. We show that when either each party has an absolute advantage on a different issue or when parties have high comparative advantage on a different issue, the political campaign will consist of issue-emphasis divergence. However, when a party has an absolute advantage on both issues but the parties' comparative advantage is not high enough, the political campaign will consist of issue engagement or dialogue. Our results conciliate two separated theories concerning whether there must be dialogue or issue-emphasis divergence in the political campaign.

This dissertation aims to discover the systematic properties of 'knowledge-testing' questions (KQs) to broaden our understanding of the action of knowledge-testing accomplished via questions. The data of this study consist of 190 KQs obtained from cross-examinations among political candidates in 116 Korean political campaign debates (155 hours and 23 minutes in total). The defining features, emergence, and compositional forms of KQs are explored in great detail using the methodological and analytic framework of conversation analysis (CA). To clearly define KQs, this study examines the interactional functions of KQs, and their production and recognition as KQs during the cross-examinations. The findings show that candidates use KQs to discredit their opponents and expose their ignorance of the subject of inquiry while promoting their own knowledgeability. Candidates also utilize linguistic, sequential/interactional, and broad social resources for action formation and ascription of KQs and can retrospectively transform the action import of KQs. The investigation of the emergence of KQs during the cross-examinations show that they occur in three distinctive but potentially co-existing contexts: (a) where candidates have good reason to believe that the respondents are vulnerable to KQs, (b) where candidates are involved in undermining their opponents' policies/promises/claims, and (c) where candidates fail to provide the correct answers to the KQs issued by their opponents earlier and subsequently attempt to show that their opponents have the same weakness as themselves regarding a domain of knowledge. Candidates therefore find KQs to be a useful debate tool to primarily expose their opponents' ignorance, which can serve as a basis for undermining their opponents' promises/claims or doing damage control via counterattack. The different sequential contexts contribute to diversifying the import of KQs as a political campaign debate strategy and point to the close relationship between sequential position and action import. The compositional forms of the KQs are analyzed by identifying the parameters (or dimensions) that explain linguistic variation in KQ design and the import delivered by each KQ format in testing knowledge. This study identifies two parameters of KQ design and their respective formats: the epistemic parameter accounting for nine types of KQ formats, and the precision parameter accounting for three types of KQ formats. The nine epistemic KQ formats convey different degrees of expectation towards the likelihood of the opponents' knowing the answers, which range from strongest pessimism to strongest optimism. The three precision formats realize to varying degrees how precise an answer the KQs will accept. Acceptable answers as conveyed by these formats range from approximate to precise and accurate. The sequential and frequency analyses of the epistemic and precision formats show the variation in their surface forms to be an accountable and systematic phenomenon geared towards maximizing the effectiveness of KQs as a linguistic device for testing the opponents' knowledge and proving their ignorance. As a rare conversation analytic study providing a detailed and comprehensive analysis of KQs used in political campaign debates—a type of question crucial in constituting various forms of institutional interactions such as pedagogical interactions, news interviews with political candidates, job interviews, and legal proceedings, this dissertation adds to our understanding of the institutional uses of KQs, linguistic strategies for political campaign debates, and question design in Korean, thereby contributing to the fields of conversational analysis, political communication, and linguistics.