Suchergebnisse

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...

Dr. Hu Shih (1891-1962) was one of China's top scholars and diplomats and served as the Republic of China's ambassador to the United States during World War II. As early as 1941, Hu Shih warned of the fundamental ideological conflict between dictatorial totalitarianism and democratic systems, a view that later became the foundation of the Cold War narrative. In the 1950s, after Mao's authoritarian regime was established, Hu Shih started to analyze the development and nature of Communism, delivering a series of lectures and addresses to reveal what he called Stalin's "grand strategy" for facilitating the International Communist Movement. For decades--and today to a certain extent--Hu Shih's political writings were considered sensitive and even dangerous. As a strident critic of the Chinese Communist Party's oligarchical practices, he was targeted by the CCP in a concerted national campaign to smear his reputation, cast aspersions on his writings, and generally destroy any possible influence he might have in China. This volume brings together a collection of Hu Shih's most important, mostly unpublished, English-language speeches, interviews, and commentaries on international politics, China-U.S. relations, and the International Communist Movement. Taken together, these works provide an insider's perspective on Sino-American relations and the development of the International Communist Movement over the course of the 20th century

Making the future reformers (1866-97). Xue Shaohui and the Min writing-women culture -- The Chen brothers and the Fuzhou Navy Yard culture -- A marriage between the two cultures -- Revitalizing the Xianyuan tradition in the late Qing reform era (1897-1911). The 1897-98 Shanghai campaign for women's education -- Translating the female West to expand Chinese women's space -- Introducing modern science and technology through literature -- Xue's self-repositioning in the family -- Xue's literary response to the late Qing reforms

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下,2006年4月,非政府組織聯合發起運動,反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉,要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法,對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析,為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索,對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 ; 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究,採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架,發現: ; (1)在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色,增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源,並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 ; (2)CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離,正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化,目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 ; (3)中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用,運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會,不斷營造運動發展空間,尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用,成功將運動不斷推進。 ; (4)政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下,政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用,進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 ; 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵,以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷,並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角,在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響,最後提出對非政府組織發展,國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 ; Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. ; This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: ; 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers' overall strength and legitimacy and ...

Wang Siu-ha. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-150). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter I : --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II : --- Peasant women before the Revolution --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter III: --- "The Bolsheviks on the ""Women Question""" --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter IV : --- Mobilizing Peasant Women --- p.71 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Formal education --- p.72 ; Chapter (II) --- Informal education --- p.76 ; Visual political propaganda: poster ; Chapter B. --- Coercing Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.83 ; Chapter (II) --- The Anti-Religious campaign --- p.85 ; Chapter Chapter V : --- Peasant Women Respond to Collectivization --- p.91 ; Chapter A. --- Educating Peasant Women ; Chapter (I) --- Peasant Women Respond to Formal Education --- p.93 ; Chapter (II) --- Peasant Women Respond to Informal education --- p.108 ; Chapter B. --- Coercion ; Chapter (I) --- Dekulakization --- p.112 ; Chapter (II) --- Anti-religious measures --- p.115 ; Chapter (III) --- Introduction of Secular Rites for Religious Rites --- p.119 ; Chapter Chapter VI: --- Conclusion --- p.131 ; Chapter A. --- Rationalists --- p.136 ; Chapter B. --- Rationalist-Romantics --- p.138 ; Chapter C. --- Romantics --- p.139 ; Appendix 1 --- p.143 ; Appendix 2 --- p.144 ; Appendix 3 --- p.145 ; Bibliography --- p.146

本研究旨在探索台灣自一九九零年代末推行之母語復興運動及其影響。作為使用者為數最多的本土語言,閩南語一度沒落;隨著母語復興措施當中、鄉土語言教學政策的廣泛開展,閩南語自「方言」一逕躍升為台灣文化的象徵,更被從政者甚至政府利用作對外宣傳之用。 ; 作者通過語言人類學田野考察方法,試圖以閩南語作為案例,釐清及解讀以下幾點:(一)台灣民眾當今的語言選擇及使用狀況;(二)他們的語言態度,與其文化認同之對應關係;(三)語言在台灣族群認同政治所扮演的角色;(四)語言政治在各社會文化層面所引起之角力;(五)方言(或語言,如原住民語言)群之競爭,如何掀起語言及文化傳統之再造和復興,以圖合理化其族群作為台灣文化象徵的地位。 ; 研究結果顯示,雖然巴赫汀 (Bakhtin) 的「眾聲喧嘩」(heteroglossia) 理論在實務層面與台灣的多語、多元文化相呼應,但當地政府所提倡之文化多元論、以及各持份者之間的隱性競爭,若以布迪厄 (Bourdieu) 的文化複製理論和傅柯(Foucault) 的權力知識理論解讀,當更適切。總的來說,台灣的母語復興運動,乃一項與昔日保守政權的抗衡行為賦權,控制兼具的政治行動,更是多元政治文化的象徵。 ; This thesis looks into the government-led language revitalization campaign in Taiwan with special reference to the case of Hokkien, one of the "bensheng" (local) vernacular with Han Chinese roots, in terms of language rights, ethnogenesis, and cultural legitimacy. Tracing the rise and development of concepts such as cultural heritage, ethnic identity and democracy in the region, the focus is placed on the recent changes in Taiwan's language ideology and the intricate emergence of Hokkien as one of the "national" languages and symbols apart from the official language, i.e. Mandarin Chinese. ; Against the backdrop where contesting discourses on language and culture discourses co-exist and crossbreed with each other, there are a number of closely-related issues that this thesis examines in particular: (1) the ways in which language choices are made and perceived in various contexts; (2) implications of such language choices as related to one's cultural identities; (3) the role of language politics in self and group identification and ethnic classification in Taiwan; (4) the power dynamics in various socio-cultural spheres; and (5) the resulting competition of multiple speech groups in Taiwan for authenticity, legitimacy and superiority in the political arena by means of reconstruction and reinvention of ethnic languages and traditions. ; The findings reveal that despite the practical relevance of Bakhtin's theory of heteroglossia to Taiwan's current ethnogenesis against the backdrop of multilingualism and ...

本文研究了香港佔領運動的政治過程。通過深入訪談和檔案資料,本文認為香港的佔領運動的特點是各持份者之間存在錯誤認知,溝通失當以及不恰當的應對方法。運動最合適的定義是憲制性不服從,而不是運動領袖所聲稱的公民不服從。 ; 在強烈的不滿以及感知到的政治機會的驅動下,佔領中環的領袖在2013年初發起了佔中運動,並且以"公民抗命"作為運動框釋。為了能夠得出權威的方案,並且在政改中由公民社會領導政治社會,運動組織了一系列"商討日"。但參與者的自我選擇使得商討日成為事實上的運動動員。商討日逐漸被激進政治力量主導,而溫和民主派被疏遠。 ; 中國政府把佔領中環運動視為對香港管治權的爭奪。因為溝通失當和對外國干預的恐懼,中國政府做出了過度回應。首先是通過白皮書嘗試重新解讀憲政秩序,其後人大常委做出決定,提出一個有政治篩選的選舉框架。中國政府的決定被香港市民視為其對民主和自治承諾的背叛。 ; 學生其後介入並且開展了一場學生運動,並最終發展為雨傘運動。學聯首先發起了罷課並且以"命運自決"作為主要框釋,指責基本法繼承了殖民地時代的政治經濟制度,把香港二次殖民。在雨傘運動爆發後,大部分示威者,包括學生領袖,在和政府比拼對憲制性文件的理解,進行一場憲制性不服從。當運動參與在初期到達巔峰後,示威者嘗試通過抗爭策略的升級和尋求潛在的精英同盟來維持運動,但這些努力沒有奏效。在一開始的鎮壓失敗後,政府採用了拖延消耗的策略。政府最後通過禁制令使運動終結,因為司法體系仍然保持了認受性,同時大部分示威者不願意挑戰法治。 ; 本文認為佔領運動最適合被歸類為憲制性不服從。示威者遵從一國兩制的憲政秩序,但試圖通過對憲制文件的解讀,為基本法對民主權利的一些關鍵限制鬆綁。憲制性不服從接受憲政秩序和司法機構的權威,但不接受政治制度的合法性。憲制性不服從可以發生在一種獨特的政體-自由不民主。在自由不民主政體,公民自由,法治,憲政主義已經確立,司法機構得到廣泛尊重,但一個有認受性的民主政府還沒有被確立。這個新名詞可以對理解轉型國家和後殖民地區的抗爭作出新的貢獻。 ; This dissertation studies the political process of the Occupy Movement in Hong Kong. Drawing on in-depth interviews and archival research, this study argues the movement is characterized as the misperceptions, miscommunications, and mistreatments among the main stakeholders. The movement is best defined as constitutional disobedience, instead of civil disobedience as claimed by movement leaders. ; Driven by the strong grievance and perceived political opportunity, the leaders of Occupy Central started the campaign in early 2013 and framed it as a "civil disobedience" movement. Aiming at figuring out an authoritative proposal and letting the civil society lead political parties in the political reform, the campaign organized a series of "deliberation days", yet the self-selection of the participants made the DDays become de facto movement mobilization. The DDays were gradually dominated by radical political forces that alienated moderate democrats. ; The Chinese government perceived the Occupy Central campaign as a struggle for the governing power in Hong Kong. With the miscommunication and the fear of foreign intervention, the Chinese government over-reacted by ...

本論文旨在探討香港青年參與社會運動的動機。近年,香港社會掀起青年積極參與社會運動的浪潮。學民思潮是最顯著的例子,這個由中學生組成的青年政治組織,於2012年發起了反對特區政府設立德育及國民教育科的社會運動。他們認為該科目有意向青年灌輸「洗腦式」的愛國教育,「反國教運動」成功動員近十二萬名市民包圍政府總部,最終驅使當局撤回方案。 ; 本論文與21位學民思潮的核心成員進行深入訪談,探討近年青年積極參與社會運動的原因。本論文旨在剖析曾被視為「政治冷感」的香港青年,在社會抗爭過程中扮演愈趨重要的角色之箇中原因。 ; 借用雲‧斯特克倫博赫和蓋德曼斯 (van Stekelenburg and Klandermans)提出的社會運動參與的雙路徑模式 (dual pathway model to protest),我們採用了社會心理學的理論以分析青年參與社會運動的動機及心路歷程。研究發現,青年抗爭者可歸納為兩大類:(1) 能動者類別,這類青年具政治能動性,採取工具性/ 社會社會鑲嵌的路徑參與社會運動﹔(2) 不滿類別,這類青年欠缺政治能動性,對政治抱懷疑態度,採取不滿路徑參與社會運動。本研究認為,在兩類的青年中,集體身體認同都對其社會運動參與扮演身重要角色,而對推動不滿類別,欠缺政治能動性的青年的影響至關重要。 ; Hong Kong has experienced an unprecedentedly high level of youth activism against government policy changes in recent years. The most prominent example is "Scholarism," a movement that was founded by secondary students that orchestrated a remarkable campaign against the government's proposal to establish the Moral and National Education curriculum in 2012. At one point, Scholarism activists claimed to have mobilized nearly 120,000 citizens in an "occupation" of government headquarters for ten days. They eventually forced the government to withdraw its proposal of what the Scholarists regarded as "brainwashing patriotic education." ; The present study is based on in-depth interviews with 21 core members of Scholarism movement, to examine the apparent "dawn" of youth political activism in Hong Kong. This thesis intends to solve the riddle of how young people in Hong Kong, who had been depicted as "political apathetic," were playing an increasingly significant role in social protest. ; Drawing on van Stekelenburg and Klandermans's dual pathway model of protest, the social psychological explanation is applied to understanding the motivational dynamics behind Scholarism. The main argument is that youth activists in Hong Kong can be categorized into two main clusters, which take two distinctive pathways to protest participation: (1) the efficacy cluster, which is steered by a sense of political efficacy and which follows the social instrumental/embeddedness pathway (in ...

对于转型期中国的劳动争议,为何国家一边推动以法律规则为本位的劳动监管体系,另一边又不断恢复各种软化法律规则约束力的调解机制?为何从中央到地方再到各部门官僚都偏好于以调解的方式来处置劳动争议?而且,为什么90年代以来大规模的建章立制没有提升准司法的裁决率和司法的判决率,反而使得劳动争议的调解率长期居高不下?国家是如何维持强大的调解能力的?劳资双方又为何愿意接受国家的调解?最后,国家对调解的偏好又会对工人维权行动带来什么样的影响?对于上述问题,本文提出一种"司法化与"政治化并行的双向运动的解释框架。虽然转型期的中国国家在司法机构建设、法律制定、等方面显示出一定的"司法化特征,但是与此同时国家也不断将司法体系"政治化,不仅干预和限制司法权力的行使,也在实际执行过程中软化法律规则的约束力。这种双向运动既根源于革命根据地时期和计划经济时期的制度遗产,也因转型期威权政体内部利益分化而不断强化。这两者也给劳资双方塑造了特殊的政治机会结构,既默许资方规避司法诉讼来压制工人维权,也促使工人高度依赖于国家调解来获得有限的经济赔偿。结果,"调解优先成为劳动争议处置的支配性策略,调解机制逐渐替代了劳动监察、行政裁决和司法判决等直接诉诸国家强制性权力的处置方式。这也是长期以来中国劳动争议调解率居高不下的主要原因。这种双向运动分别在宏观层面和微观层面带来了不同的后果。在宏观层面,"调解优先的策略发挥了分化工人的功能,使得制度化维权渠道中的劳动争议日益个体化和原子化。在微观层面,工人们"准司法化的维权观与国家"去司法化的维稳观之间产生了激烈的张力,形成了"挤出效应,迫使越来越多的维权工人退出法庭并走向街头,采取直接的、对抗性的、激进的、乃至暴力化的抗争行动。 ; An expansion of mediation in China's labor disputes resolution has gathered significant momentum since the middle of the 2000s. This tendency stems from the state's long-term dependency on politicized mediatory measure to contain labor's disruptive impulses. And the fragmentation of interests inside the authoritarian regime further marginalizes laws and judicial institutions in resolving grievance. These two factors have together shaped a political opportunity structure as "mediate first for both the labor and capital, and consequently, given a great impetus to the Grand Mediation campaign. By mobilizing grass-roots and non-judicial mediatory agencies to proactively intervene in labor conflict, the Grand Mediation has reinforced the state's capacity in managing contentious issues without resorting to either heavy handed repression or adversarial litigation. However, regarding the contradiction of the politicized mediation with workers' judicialized preference, the state's over-reliance on mediation may impel workers to alienate from institutionalized channel and subsequently deteriorates China's industrial relation. It is further argued that the prevailing of Grand Mediation may trigger off disruptive and violent labor protests in the long run. All in all, the tendency of "mediate first reveals a ...