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Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Mediatization marks a change of roles in communication. The most importantly it marks the change of medium role because in the nowadays conditions everyone can create an original content. Despite all positive changes it brings this process also causes issues as huge amount of unnecessary information and danger to personal information. However it allows to bypass media institutions and original content to be created by its user. New rules of how to submit the information online shift the attitude to various fields of living including political communication. Mediatization in its original form was created for politics and to describe the changing needs of political processes to fit the changing image of politician. To changing ways of communication also it is important to take in consideration all surrounding smart device spreading (not forgetting that people are getting more comfortable in using them in all life situations). This condition makes online communication a necessity especially when talking about political one because if voters are online all the time politicians should be too. Therefore politicians have a space to communicate more easy than ever before but on the same time citizens have better opportunities for individual communication with politicians as well. Political elections communication of other countries suggests that politicians should look more responsibly to social networks communication. New rules for communication changed the view to various sectors of life including the politics. This research is aimed to analyse the communication of candidates during mayoral elections in 2015 on Facebook website. This was done by analyzing candidates accounts on social network. Mediatization processes encourages politians into new ways of communication so a significant part of communication is taking part in social media space. It is very clearly visible in pre-election period. Social networks replaces traditional eye-to-eye campaign and puts it to virtual space (which functions in ways of community relations, emotion-based content creation and short messages) so political communication has to cope and adopt new communication model and act correspondingly. However analysis results suggest that candidates of mayoral election do not communicate actively on Facebook. Even though the number of active accounts is considerably big conclusion is made that candidates did not communicated on Facebook active enough. Candidates mostly used personal accounts rather than public pages which could of helped to make existing communication more professional. Even though analysis was not orientated to research party communication on Facebook it is recommended for to look into that on organizational level. There are exceptionally good examples of individual communication but more attention to social networks should be considered in each party and more financial and human effort it should be provided for this matter. Another important thing is the emotional factor in communication which most cases of analyzed politicians lacks. Research results were reached by combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative research showed that from the whole number of mayoral election candidates (there were 434 candidates in 60 districts) 69,1% were using Facebook, also 75% of candidates who won had an active account on Facebook. More active usage of Facebook among the candidates detected in the area of Vilnius and around it, among main cities candidates and also among the candidates of resort cities (like Neringa, Klaipėda). The least active on Facebook were candidates from border districts. Qualitative analysis was used to evaluate the effectiveness of candidate communication among main Lithuanian cities candidates. This was conducted creating the factors in which the effectiveness is measured. The results from this analysis showed that less than a half of the candidates used Facebook effectively (44 from 59 cases were considered ineffective communication). These results also are confirmed by numbers of the followers/friends in each case.

Mediatization marks a change of roles in communication. The most importantly it marks the change of medium role because in the nowadays conditions everyone can create an original content. Despite all positive changes it brings this process also causes issues as huge amount of unnecessary information and danger to personal information. However it allows to bypass media institutions and original content to be created by its user. New rules of how to submit the information online shift the attitude to various fields of living including political communication. Mediatization in its original form was created for politics and to describe the changing needs of political processes to fit the changing image of politician. To changing ways of communication also it is important to take in consideration all surrounding smart device spreading (not forgetting that people are getting more comfortable in using them in all life situations). This condition makes online communication a necessity especially when talking about political one because if voters are online all the time politicians should be too. Therefore politicians have a space to communicate more easy than ever before but on the same time citizens have better opportunities for individual communication with politicians as well. Political elections communication of other countries suggests that politicians should look more responsibly to social networks communication. New rules for communication changed the view to various sectors of life including the politics. This research is aimed to analyse the communication of candidates during mayoral elections in 2015 on Facebook website. This was done by analyzing candidates accounts on social network. Mediatization processes encourages politians into new ways of communication so a significant part of communication is taking part in social media space. It is very clearly visible in pre-election period. Social networks replaces traditional eye-to-eye campaign and puts it to virtual space (which functions in ways of community relations, emotion-based content creation and short messages) so political communication has to cope and adopt new communication model and act correspondingly. However analysis results suggest that candidates of mayoral election do not communicate actively on Facebook. Even though the number of active accounts is considerably big conclusion is made that candidates did not communicated on Facebook active enough. Candidates mostly used personal accounts rather than public pages which could of helped to make existing communication more professional. Even though analysis was not orientated to research party communication on Facebook it is recommended for to look into that on organizational level. There are exceptionally good examples of individual communication but more attention to social networks should be considered in each party and more financial and human effort it should be provided for this matter. Another important thing is the emotional factor in communication which most cases of analyzed politicians lacks. Research results were reached by combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative research showed that from the whole number of mayoral election candidates (there were 434 candidates in 60 districts) 69,1% were using Facebook, also 75% of candidates who won had an active account on Facebook. More active usage of Facebook among the candidates detected in the area of Vilnius and around it, among main cities candidates and also among the candidates of resort cities (like Neringa, Klaipėda). The least active on Facebook were candidates from border districts. Qualitative analysis was used to evaluate the effectiveness of candidate communication among main Lithuanian cities candidates. This was conducted creating the factors in which the effectiveness is measured. The results from this analysis showed that less than a half of the candidates used Facebook effectively (44 from 59 cases were considered ineffective communication). These results also are confirmed by numbers of the followers/friends in each case.

Mediatization marks a change of roles in communication. The most importantly it marks the change of medium role because in the nowadays conditions everyone can create an original content. Despite all positive changes it brings this process also causes issues as huge amount of unnecessary information and danger to personal information. However it allows to bypass media institutions and original content to be created by its user. New rules of how to submit the information online shift the attitude to various fields of living including political communication. Mediatization in its original form was created for politics and to describe the changing needs of political processes to fit the changing image of politician. To changing ways of communication also it is important to take in consideration all surrounding smart device spreading (not forgetting that people are getting more comfortable in using them in all life situations). This condition makes online communication a necessity especially when talking about political one because if voters are online all the time politicians should be too. Therefore politicians have a space to communicate more easy than ever before but on the same time citizens have better opportunities for individual communication with politicians as well. Political elections communication of other countries suggests that politicians should look more responsibly to social networks communication. New rules for communication changed the view to various sectors of life including the politics. This research is aimed to analyse the communication of candidates during mayoral elections in 2015 on Facebook website. This was done by analyzing candidates accounts on social network. Mediatization processes encourages politians into new ways of communication so a significant part of communication is taking part in social media space. It is very clearly visible in pre-election period. Social networks replaces traditional eye-to-eye campaign and puts it to virtual space (which functions in ways of community relations, emotion-based content creation and short messages) so political communication has to cope and adopt new communication model and act correspondingly. However analysis results suggest that candidates of mayoral election do not communicate actively on Facebook. Even though the number of active accounts is considerably big conclusion is made that candidates did not communicated on Facebook active enough. Candidates mostly used personal accounts rather than public pages which could of helped to make existing communication more professional. Even though analysis was not orientated to research party communication on Facebook it is recommended for to look into that on organizational level. There are exceptionally good examples of individual communication but more attention to social networks should be considered in each party and more financial and human effort it should be provided for this matter. Another important thing is the emotional factor in communication which most cases of analyzed politicians lacks. Research results were reached by combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative research showed that from the whole number of mayoral election candidates (there were 434 candidates in 60 districts) 69,1% were using Facebook, also 75% of candidates who won had an active account on Facebook. More active usage of Facebook among the candidates detected in the area of Vilnius and around it, among main cities candidates and also among the candidates of resort cities (like Neringa, Klaipėda). The least active on Facebook were candidates from border districts. Qualitative analysis was used to evaluate the effectiveness of candidate communication among main Lithuanian cities candidates. This was conducted creating the factors in which the effectiveness is measured. The results from this analysis showed that less than a half of the candidates used Facebook effectively (44 from 59 cases were considered ineffective communication). These results also are confirmed by numbers of the followers/friends in each case.

The paper presents data of sociological surveys on political participation of citizens and political actors in contemporary Russia on the Internet. The data were obtained by interviewing experts in 4 subjects of the Russian Federation (Yaroslavl, Vologda, Ulyanovsk and Novosibirsk region) and the mass survey of Internet users in 15 regions of the Russian Federation, actively participating in political campaigns on the Internet. This gave a possibility to obtain both quantitative and qualitative assessments of political participation on the Internet.The author characterizes the main objects of political activity on the Internet. The study highlighted areas of political participation, most effectively realized by using the Internet. The paper analyzes the activity of the political opposition on the Internet.It is stated that the Internet users can be divided into two unequal groups: activists and consumers of information. The author points out a high proportion of professionals among activists in the Internet. The biggest proportion of customers are young people. ; Приводятся данные социологических исследований политического участия граждан и субъектов политики в современной России в сети «Интернет». Данные получены посредством опроса экспертов 4 субъектов Российской Федерации (Ярославская, Вологодская, Ульяновская и Новосибирская области) и массовый Интернет опрос пользователей из 15 субъектов Российской Федерации, активно участвующих в политических кампаниях в Интернете. Это позволило получить как количественные, так и качественные оценки политического участия граждан в сети «Интернет».Выделяются основные причины политического участия в сети «Интернет». Автором характеризуются основные объекты политической активности в Интернете. Выявляются направления политического участия, наиболее эффективно реализующиеся с помощью Интернета. Анализируется активность в Интернете политической оппозиции.Указывается, что аудиторию интернета можно разделить на две неравные группы: активисты и потребители информации. Отмечается значительная доля профессионалов в сфере Интернет среди активистов глобальной сети. Среди потребителей наиболее велика доля молодежи.

The article is focused on the development of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding in the context of parties' relationship with society and the state. First, it describes the position of parties in the society-state continuum through analysing party organization models (cadres, mass, catch-all and cartel) and party funding sources that developed in-line with these models. Second, the article provides a detailed analysis of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding legislation and their gradual development from narrow and loose regulation in early nineties into broad and strict starting 2011. Third, it gives the analysis of major eight Lithuanian political parties' revenue between 2008 and 2014. The article provides the analysis of and insights into development of party funding sources throughout the years and the influence of these changes to parties' relationship with society and the state.

The article is focused on the development of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding in the context of parties' relationship with society and the state. First, it describes the position of parties in the society-state continuum through analysing party organization models (cadres, mass, catch-all and cartel) and party funding sources that developed in-line with these models. Second, the article provides a detailed analysis of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding legislation and their gradual development from narrow and loose regulation in early nineties into broad and strict starting 2011. Third, it gives the analysis of major eight Lithuanian political parties' revenue between 2008 and 2014. The article provides the analysis of and insights into development of party funding sources throughout the years and the influence of these changes to parties' relationship with society and the state.

The article is focused on the development of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding in the context of parties' relationship with society and the state. First, it describes the position of parties in the society-state continuum through analysing party organization models (cadres, mass, catch-all and cartel) and party funding sources that developed in-line with these models. Second, the article provides a detailed analysis of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding legislation and their gradual development from narrow and loose regulation in early nineties into broad and strict starting 2011. Third, it gives the analysis of major eight Lithuanian political parties' revenue between 2008 and 2014. The article provides the analysis of and insights into development of party funding sources throughout the years and the influence of these changes to parties' relationship with society and the state.

The article is focused on the development of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding in the context of parties' relationship with society and the state. First, it describes the position of parties in the society-state continuum through analysing party organization models (cadres, mass, catch-all and cartel) and party funding sources that developed in-line with these models. Second, the article provides a detailed analysis of Lithuanian political parties and political campaign funding legislation and their gradual development from narrow and loose regulation in early nineties into broad and strict starting 2011. Third, it gives the analysis of major eight Lithuanian political parties' revenue between 2008 and 2014. The article provides the analysis of and insights into development of party funding sources throughout the years and the influence of these changes to parties' relationship with society and the state.

Dynamics of economical, political and social factors of electoral campaign are analysed. The problem of ensuring security of elections within the framework of modern electoral process is dealt with.The paper gives examples of influencing the public opinion in the course of the electoral process, for example, psychological influence, information and political manipulations are described. ; Анализируется динамика экономических, политических, социальных факторов предвыборной кампании. Рассматривается проблема обеспечения безопасности выборов в рамках современного избирательного процесса.Даются примеры воздействия на общественное мнение в ходе избирательного процесса, такие как психологическое воздействие, описываются информационные и политические манипуляции.

This article reviews the issue of negativity in election campaigns in academic literature, & presents some data from Lithuanian Presidential campaign (1997 & 2002) analysis. The article aims to ascertain how often various types of negativity are used in the Lithuanian presidential campaigns as well as to deliberate about their potential effect on election results. Comparison of the data of two Lithuanian Presidential campaigns' newspapers' analyses indicates the possibility of growing importance of negativity in election campaigns. As analysis shows, there is no agreement among the scholars about the effect of different types of negativity. It is evident that more detail studies of negativity of election campaigns in Lithuania are needed. Adapted from the source document.