Suchergebnisse

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.

Drawing empirically on the examples of the Church of Latter-Day Saints' (Mormon) participation in anti-ERA (Equal Rights Amendment) ratification campaign and its latest attempts to influence other political issues of moral consequences (such as same-sex marriage) in the United States, the paper attempts to analyse the dynamics of a contemporary religiously motivated political movement.Despite being, on any of these issues, a part of a wider coalition of political actors, the Mormon church displayed a specifically religious motivation, justification and modus operandi. Owing to strong religious legitimacy of their power – based on the doctrine of continuous revelation and enhanced by a sort of "personality cult" of the Church President-Prophet developing in late 20th century – the leadership of the church has been capable of effective grassroots mobilization, achieved through a disciplined universal priesthood structure.While, from the theoretical point of view, this Mormon political movement is of a traditional, "old" variation (ideological and social cohesion of members, well-defined, stable membership, hierarchical leadership etc.) it has nevertheless been relatively successful in modern political environment. The Mormon engagement, at least in the anti-ERA campaign, had made a difference certainly in Utah, and probably elsewhere as well.

The linguistic aspect of strategic framing in modern political campaignsThe following article describes the role of semantics in political marketing, emphasizing the mechanism of framing and perspectivising in discourse. The complexity of the framing process is discussed in the introduction, then the linguistic aspect of political framing is debated and the technique of wording formulation in political discourse analyzed. Finally, implications and conclusions for further research are presented. Examples of political framing provided within the paper are based on the analysis of contemporary public discourses.

Elections are still about shaking hands and kissing babies, for the time being. Maria Vidart explores the first experience with social media campaigning in Colombia.

This study described and analyzed the selected political campaign posters using the stylistic approach. The sources of data are the 13 political campaign posters of the 13 competing candidates for councillors in one of the municiplaities of Ilocos Norte, Philippines, during the 2019 National and Local Elections. The selection was based on accessibility and availability of the campaign posters which means that the posters were selected based on the case by which the posters were obtained and not by any political ideology or affiliation. The stylistic features of the political campaign posters were analyzed using the adapted models of Crystal and Davy (1969), Gosling (1999) and Seidman (2008). The model is centered on describing and analyzing the graphic and textual elements used in the selected posters. The analysis was carried out in order to identify and discuss the stylistic features of the images and words in the selected political campaign posters. The study revealed that the political campaign posters are essential visual communication means that the political candidates use in canvassing for votes. Graphetically, the political campaign posters used varied colors, images, tools/figures that convey meanings. They are designed purposely to entice the electorates to vote for the candidates. Textually, the syntax is simple. At the lexical level, the campaign posters used descriptive and emotive words to make the texts more appealing. Semantically, most of the posters used clear language to ensure clarity of message. Overall, the political campaign posters have positive portrayals of the competing candidates.

A black and white photograph of a political campaign during the presidency of Adolfo Lopez Mateos and PRI. ; https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/enriqueperalesjasso/1033/thumbnail.jpg

A black and white photograph of a political campaign during the presidency of Adolfo Lopez Mateos and PRI. ; https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/enriqueperalesjasso/1032/thumbnail.jpg

In the regional elections of 2010, a new political party, The Best Party (Besti flokkurinn), ran for office in Reykjavík under the leadership of mayor candidate, actor and comedian, Jón Gnarr. The Best Party's campaign was very successful, even if it made no attempt to argue policy or (apparently) use any of the methods used in a traditional campaign. This article deals with the question of whether and how a political campaign can be an effective political performance or be seen as political activism, using some of the Best Party's campaigning methods as a case study. The campaign is studied as a performance, drawing on the theories of Richard Schechner and Michel Foucault. While Jón Gnarr and the Best Party seemed to break with traditional politics, the article asks whether they really did that. What changes when a performer runs for office? Did the Best Party send in the clowns, or were they already there?

This cross-sectional study analyzed a database of Congressional candidate campaign websites to assess the frequency and specificity of pediatric health policy discussions in political campaigns.

Despite the many benefits of democracy, a number of scholars have cited the dangers of introducing democratic elections in ethnically divided states. One of the biggest fears is the politicization of identity. However, very little research has systematically studied the particular conditions that compel politicians to make identity appeals. Taking the case of an ethnically diverse new democracy, Indonesia, this paper attempts just that. To measure identity appeals it takes the novel approach of drawing on political campaign posters. Between 2009 and 2011 over 4,000 political campaign posters were gathered from legislative and executive elections across hundreds of electoral districts in Indonesia. These posters were then individually coded for identity and non-identity related symbols, messages, and appeals. This methodological approach takes the form of a natural experiment. Because elections in Indonesia use different electoral rules (PR, Semi-PR, and Plurality), it allows us to compare the kinds of appeals made under different electoral rules while holding the region constant. Findings show that identity appeals are much more common under plurality electoral rules compared to PR rules; religious appeals were most common in districts where there are two-to-three large religious groups; and nationalist appeals are least common in regions that have had historical rebellions against the state. Beyond that, this research shows how political parties, urbanization, and the sex of a candidate can influence identity appeals.

Abstract The study, "A survey of hate speech in selected Tiv political campaign songs" affirms language as a powerful tool used to arouse political emotions by poets specialised in composing political songs. Nigerian politicians use political songs to canvass for votes. These songs are usually sponsored by candidates or political parties, and as the proverbial saying goes "He who pays the piper dictates the tune", the poets project the image of their sponsors positively and tarnish that of their opponents in order to record victory at the polls for their sponsors. Thus, a number of political songs in Tiv are characterised by hate speech and character assassination which have the potency of causing political crises in the society. The study sets out to explicate the concept of hate speech which is a product of language and the concept of pragmatics which takes care of embedded meanings in hate speech based on the context of language use. Data for the study were collected through the primary source where Tiv native speakers were interviewed and tapes of the selected songs were listened to. Hate speech was identified in selected political songs of Terkula Kyumbul, ACN song composer, Gabon Akuhe, PDP song composer; EL-Stuffy (Awambe-a-Tiv), APC song composer and Alfred Chado (Swen-u-Tiv), PDP song composer. Data analysis of excerpts from the selected songs was based on the Speech Act Theory by J. L. Austin. The researchers found out that the Tiv political campaign songs of PDP, ACN and APC used between 2011 and 2018 in Benue State were characterised by hate speech which could cause violence prior to and after the elections. Résumé Une enquête sur le discours de haine dans certaines chansons de la campagne politique au pays Tiv Cette étude affirme que le moyen linguistique est un outil puissant utilisé pour susciter des émotions politiques par des poètes spécialisés dans la composition de chansons politiques. Les hommes politiques nigérians utilisent des chansons politiques pour solliciter des votes. Ces chansons ...

Consistent with 2000-2009 election trends, 88 percent of 2010-2015 candidates who relied heavily on their own money lost their election. In fact, the more candidates gave to their campaigns, the higher was their failure rate.

The issue of dynastic politics and the violation of health protocols aimed at Gibran Rakabuming Raka did not hinder his victory as mayor of Surakarta. Therefore, this study aims to explain the political campaign strategy of the mayor of Surakarta Gibran Rakabuming Raka in the 2020 simultaneous regional head elections during the COVID-19 pandemic. This type of research is qualitative, using a descriptive approach. This study uses library research data collection techniques. The findings of this study are Gibran Rakabuming Raka's political campaign as the son of President Joko Widodo in general succeeded in implementing the five stages of the political campaign. As a result, he won the 2020 Surakarta Mayor election. However, there are interesting notes found at the legitimacy stage. In the context of Gibran Rakabuming Raka's political campaign, legitimacy is obtained directly through political parties which is not appropriate in the theory of The Five Functional Stages of Development. Therefore, as a contribution to reform in the theory of political campaign strategy, the candidate's legitimacy stage must directly have support from the side of political power to clarify his position in the nomination.