On the basis of archival documents and materials from periodicals, the article examines the involvement of voluntary sports societies (DSO) of the Voronezh region in social and political life. Sports competitions had a pronounced ideological character, designed to emphasize the superiority of the socialist system. The most massive were the annual Days of Athletes and competitions for the prizes of the Voronezh regional newspaper "Communa". Athletes participated in election campaigns to the Supreme Soviets of the USSR, RSFSR, regional and local councils of people's courts. The athletes were active participants in campaign teams, precinct election commissions. Sports competitions were an integral part of all mass campaigning events of the late Stalinist period.
Shortly after the Supreme Court's controversial decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, then-President Obama declared in his 2010 State of the Union Address that the Court had "reversed a century of law" in overturning limitations on independent corporate expenditures. In one sense, this is clearly true. The Tillman Act, passed in 1907 at the urging of Theodore Roosevelt, marked the first legislative attempt to limit the influence of corporations in political elections. In a larger sense, however, Citizens United served as the culmination of two hundred years of jurisprudence defining the rights of the corporate person. Starting from the ancient origins of corporate personality, this project traces the bases for Citizens United through a series of landmark cases, from Chief Justice Marshall's famous description of the corporation in Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodard (1819) to the twin pillars of Buckley v. Valeo (1976) and First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti (1978). Further, in doing so, it seeks to demonstrate that the standards established in Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990) were rightly overturned in Citizens United, as said standards were fundamentally out-of-step with the principles of corporate rights and First Amendment protection outlined by the Court in centuries prior.
Purpose of the study: This paper depicts the use of social media for political campaign in Indonesia and Malaysia whilst especially aiming at investigating religious and political sentiment of Indonesian (young) voters (reflected in their Twitter accounts, especially the tweets and memes) that supported Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla (hereafter Jokowi's camp) and Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa camps (hereafter Prabowo's camp) in the 2014 Presidential Election Indonesia. Methodology: This qualitative study is a discourse analysis that deploys the Hallidayean transitivity system, language evaluation theory as well as social semiotics. Using stratified purposeful sampling, the data (tweets and memes of two contest political camps – the Islamic(/st?) versus the Nationalist) were taken during the campaign days (4 June –5 July 2014). Main Findings: In the Indonesian case, the (c)overt black campaign of both camps operates in the framework of the contestation as well as the synthesis of the nationalist/Islamic(/st?) strands. They are deployed to be rhymed in the brand resonance the both camps' campaign team forged. As for Malaysian, the use of social media platforms by its young electorates did not guarantee the popularity gained by the (legislative) candidates, as they overlooked the people's collective memories of the 1998 Reform Movement that resonated with Malaysian identity. Implicationof this study: As a preliminary part of multiyear research funded by Indonesia's Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education, the findings become the textual foundation in producing the recommendation for public policy on the political campaign in social media (in this case the Twitter). Compared to other social media platforms, Twitter was chosen as it provides limited numbers of characters for its users (especially the two main camps – Jokowi's versus Prabowo's camps), not only to tweet but that more importantly also the tweets represent the perennial discursive contestation of the Islamic (-/st?) versus Nationalist strands to the current 2019 elections Indonesia. Novelty/Originality of this study: The (c)overt black campaign of both camps operates in the framework of the contestation as well as the synthesis of the nationalist/Islamic(/st?) strands. They are deployed to be rhymed in the brand resonance the campaign team forged. A similar contesting strategy is deployed, such as countering similar religious and political issues that represent the supporters/volunteers(read also: public) sentiment in the cyberwar (in the form of utterance and visual war).
The social and the outdoor advertising media are medium that is often used in political campaign activity in Indonesia. Both media are packaged and managed attractively in hopes of persuading the public to choose certain parties or politicians. Based on this condition, the writer was interested to understand how to manage campaign media in political parties, especially the social and the outdoor advertising media. Then, to examine this problem, the writer used the qualitative method to design a single case study as a method to analyze the problem. This research is generally in the form of descriptions, narratives, data, images or statements obtained from research subjects, both directly and indirectly related to the management of social and outdoor advertising media in political campaign activities carried out by the DPC of PDI-P Tangerang Indonesia. The results of the study show that the use of social and outdoor advertising media must be well planned, communicated and evaluated in order to increase the credibility of political parties. So that it can be concluded that DPC of PDI-P integrates the functions of digital social and outdoor advertising media simultaneously, considering that the two media can target different audiences. The social media used in political campaigns, i.e., online media consists of websites and social media such as Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, WA Group. Then outdoor media includes banners that can be reached by the public in their neighborhood. To optimize the function of social and outdoor advertising media, the DPC PDI-P Tangerang also conducts media management processes including segmenting constituent stages, selecting campaign media, arranging political messages, controlling and monitoring media campaigns, conducting media campaign effectiveness surveys, carrying out the process assessment, and finally processing an improvement
The article analyzes some peculiarities of the campaigning in social media (on Facebook example) by the political forces that entered (according to the election results 2019) to their national parliaments (the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Sejm of the Republic of Poland). The type of the content posted in Facebook, as well as user reactions, have been explored in the article. There were selected the common features and differences of using Facebook (that remains the most popular social media in the above-mentioned countries) in the parliamentary election campaigns of Ukraine and Poland in 2019. The following methods were used in the study: empirical, functional and comparative. It was stated that in both countries Facebook (like other social media) is not yet the main agitation tool, but it continues to gain more popularity and publicity, and not only in the electoral process. This fact is also related to the growing number of the Internet users. The most popular content type in social media is photo or (less frequently) video. However, not all political forces in both countries make full use of the Facebook possibilities (for example, Facebook events are not always created, comments often remain unanswered, etc.). Also, Facebook pages of some political parties are not sufficiently supported (such cases are observed not only in Ukraine but also in Poland). Instead, more attention is focused on social media profiles of the political forces leaders and on the advertising or campaigning in traditional media. Further development of this research may include analysis of campaigning in other social media, funds spent on advertising and / or profile management, profiles of the political forces leaders. The results of the research can be used not only for conducting of the effective electoral campaigns by political forces, but also for the high quality social changes (e.g, be applied in the public organisations or government agencies work).
This research examines impoliteness strategies in the context of political campaign debates by the presidential candidates, particularly by Donald Trump against other candidates. The data used in this research, taken from the last three National Republican debates, were Donald Trump's utterances in which he employed impoliteness strategies. The data were analyzed using Garcia-Pastor's (2008) impoliteness strategies. The results show that Donald Trump employed the negative-face oriented strategies much more frequently (66.15%) than the positive-face oriented strategies (33.85%). The negative-face oriented strategy 'state the communicative act(s) as common or shared knowledge' was the most frequently used (30.38%). These results suggest that for the purposes of asserting power in the debates, Donald Trump tends to use negative-faced oriented impoliteness strategies in his political debates.
Functional Theory has been applied to a variety of election campaign messages, including candidacy announcement speeches; TV spots; debates; direct mail brochures; candidate webpages; nomination acceptance addresses; vice presidential debates; senate, gubernatorial, and mayoral debates; senate, gubernatorial, and house TV spots; and debates and TV spots from other countries. This approach argues that election messages address one of three functions (acclaims, attacks, defenses) and one of two topics (policy, character). This study reports a meta-analysis of several Functional Theory predictions: acclaims are more common than attacks (defenses are consistently the least common function and were not tested here); policy is discussed more than character; when discussing past deeds incumbents acclaim more and attack less than challengers; attacks, and policy statements, are more common in general than primary campaigns; when addressing general goals and ideals, attacks outnumber acclaims. General goals were the basis of more acclaims and fewer attacks than future plans. Candidates use fewer acclaims and more attacks than other sources. Two hypotheses were not confirmed: incumbents did not attack more and acclaim less than challengers generally or when discussing future plans. The essay concludes with suggestions for future research in this area.
Defence date: 12 June 2018 ; Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute ; Prof. Thomas Poguntke, Heinrich-Heine-University of Düsseldorf ; Prof. Carlos Jalali, University of Aveiro ; This thesis addresses the unclear and puzzling responsibility of both traditional media and political actors for the lack of substantial political issues in the news coverage of political elections. The literature has observed a growing tendency of journalists, when reporting elections, to emphasize aspects such as strategy/horse-race and conflict, instead of presenting relevant policy information. This study analyzes to what extent a media logic is hindering the electoral competitors from producing more informative and less conflict-driven campaigns, by examining the media frames employed by journalists, in their newspaper articles, and by the main parties/candidates, in their social media campaigns. Different to other communication channels, social media offer politicians and parties a unique opportunity to bypass journalists and directly present their messages to a larger and more diverse audience. The main objective of this study is to understand if political elections are framed differently by journalists and political actors and test two sets of competing hypotheses: Uninformative News (if journalists distort political events to become more attractive rather than informative) and Hollow Campaigns (if the politicians themselves avoid discussing issues in their campaigns). In order to so, an extensive content analysis of the press and social media was carried out for four first-order elections (US 2012, Italy 2013, Brazil 2014 and Portugal 2015). For each election, two newspapers and the campaigns of the main parties/candidates on three social media (Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) were manually coded during the four weeks before election day. The results show that the press was consistently more likely than social media to deal with aspects such as strategy/horse-race and conflict. In addition to this, the salience of substantive political issues was also higher in social media campaigns than in newspaper articles. Overall, despite some differences between candidates/parties, countries and social media platforms, the results consistently give support to the Uninformative News hypothesis.
In the age of digitalization, data-driven political campaign has rapidly shifted into sophisticated data profiling and big data analysis. In Indonesia, the privacy implications of data profiling for political purposes have not been thoroughly studied, much less regulated. This paper aims to conduct a comparative regulatory study between the European Union General Data Protection Regulation (EU GDPR) and Indonesian laws concerning personal data protection in facing the growing practice of data profiling for political purposes. In conclusion, in order to prevent unfair and non-transparent data profiling for political purposes in the upcoming 2019 general election, Indonesia should enact a comprehensive data protection law which provides data subjects with the right to information related to profiling and establishing independent supervisory authority.
The use of personal and social deixis often has a crucial role in political speeches. This study investigated how personal deixis was used as a strategy to get other people's support in Donald Trump's presidential campaign speech. The object of the study was Trump's speech in his presidential rally on October 10, 2020, and the data were the personal and social deixis in the speech. The occurrences of deixis were counted to reveal the parties to whom Trump gave his attention, and an analysis of the words used was conducted to see Trump's attitudes toward the parties addressed by the deixis. The study revealed that Trump used personal deixis more than social deixis. There were five big parties to which he gave his attention using the deixis: the audience, Trump himself, the USA and its people, his opponents, and his party and government. Using the deixis, Trump also showed a positive attitude to his side and a negative attitude to the opponents. His use of personal and social deixis was also used as a campaign strategy. The deixis created inclusiveness, positioned Trump in different roles, showed support from several American communities, and influenced the audience's attitude toward Trump's opponents.
The election of Governor of DKI Jakarta in 2017 has drawn the most public attention nationwide and even international. This research aims to analyze the political campaign strategy of Anis-Sandy in the election of Jakarta's governor and the process of the groundswell. Political campaign and groundswell are the framework concepts of this research. A qualitative research method used is single case study. The data collection is carried out through participant observation, in-depth interview, and documentation. This phenomenal event of election showed us the role and contribution of voters based on their social technographic profiles: creators, conversationalists, critics, collectors, joiners, and spectators. "Viral" and "collaborative concepts" are widely implemented and become the goals of social media political campaign of Anies-Sandi. The groundswell process that effectively affects the behaviour of eligible voters and the success of the 212 social movements has led to the winning of Anies-Sandi won in the election.
The purpose of this paper is to understand what is needed to successfully use social media to gain a competitive advantage in a political campaign. Social media on the Internet is a relatively young topic and therefore research has just recently begun to make observations. The underlying factor, however, is the need to develop a marketing strategy that embraces new technology. This paper reviews Erik Qualman's "Socialnomics: How Social Media Transforms the Way We Live and Do Business" and its in depth coverage of today's social media world. Furthermore, this paper examines the precedent set by President Obama during his 2008 Presidential -social Media- Campaign, how social media then progressed through the 2010 Mid-Term Elections and why social media is a necessary component of any political campaign today. I argue that there are seven requirements for a successful social media to fund raise, go viral, establish a two-way conversation, make it personable, be transparent, and keep it simple. ; Social media, Political campaigns, Marketing ; A Thesis submitted to the Department of Marketing in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2011. ; March 31, 2011.
Campaign song created as part of Mexico's 2018 national election, usually circulated as part of music videos, produced citizenship as intimate, sentimental, affectionate and partial. In music videos published online, often anonymously, musicians sought to develop affective links with political candidates, negotiating intimate pathways for the construction of democratic subjectivities. Such videos pose difficult questions for the notion of the rational, information-driven voter. In this article I take a partly ethnographic, partly analytical approach to explore the rich set of affordances these videos present for the construction of political coalitions within emerging democracies. Exploring Brian Massumi's theory of 'ontopower', I show how overlaps between threat and love served to heighten political indeterminacy, and demonstrate some of the perverse effects of this affective entanglement on the musicians involved. These videos, I highlight, raise questions about the power relations between political campaigns and audiovisual creativity in an increasingly rich media landscape.
The present research focuses on politeness in candidates' discourses in U.S. political campaign debates of the 2000 elections from a socio-cognitive approach to social interaction. This approach entails an eclectic perspective on communication that intends to account for its cognitive, linguistic, relational and socio-cultural aspects in a determinate communicative encounter. This eclectic perspective is based on Brown and Levinson's (1987) Politeness Theory on the one hand, and Sperber and Wilson's Relevance Theory (1986/1995) on the other hand, with the latter constituting a cognitive complement to the former on theoretical grounds. From this eclectic approach, politeness has been conceived as the context-sensitive cognitive-based linguistic instantiation of social bonds. Therefore, politeness constitutes the linguistic enactment of social relationships in a specific communicative situation, and the internal knowledge on what is appropriate or inappropriate therein underlying such enactment. Politeness may thus consist of a) 'mitigating' behaviour, whereby the speaker (S) attends to his/her own and/or the hearer's (H) face or social image one wants for him/herself in a specific society (Brown & Levinson, 1987), or b) 'aggravating' behaviour, that is, damage of one's own and/or H's face. In view of this, the following research questions were posited in this study: 1) what are the main features of politicians' face mitigating and aggravating sequences in terms of: type of politeness prevailing in these (if any), recurrent linguistic elements (if any), and typical location of these sequences in the whole discourse debates themselves constitute (if any)?; 2) what are the specific forms face mitigating and aggravating sequences adopt (if any), and which are their features?. In order to provide an answer to these questions, a total of 89 North-American electoral debates were collected together with other secondary data (e.g. newspaper articles, television programmes, etc.). These debates were organised into ...
Considering the challenges associated with visibility and intraparty disputes which confronted different categories of political parties during Nigeria's 2019 electoral process, this paper examines the discursive means through which political actors expressed resilience in their struggle for power. Using a Critical Discourse Analysis approach, the paper investigates candidates'/parties' expression of their abilities to cope, regain control and reduce vulnerability during the campaigns. The All-Progressives Congress Party, People's Democratic Party and Allied Congress Party of Nigeria were selected for the study because they represented incumbency, main opposition and the third force parties respectively during the campaigns. Data comprising twenty-three election campaign speeches were purposively selected from some Nigeria's media websites. Findings show that political actors deployed strategies of argumentation, categorization and criminalisation among others to (re)gain control and to minimise vulnerability during the campaigns. In addition, the research reveals Nigerian political actors' predilection for character assassination of Others as a means of survival in the nation's political arena. The results have implications for Nigeria's power politics and, in addition, raise concerns for voters' education and sustenance of democracy in the country
