Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Occhiello -- Indice -- Introduzione -- Poems -- Abbreviazioni -- Foreword - Italian colonization -- Part I Origins,rescission of agreements and resistance -- Chapter 1 The origins of italian colonization in Somalia -- Chapter 2 The Mullah: Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan and his movement -- Chapter 3 The rescission of protection agreements by the fascist administration -- Part II Crucial issues during the italian colonial period -- Chapter 4 The ascent of italian colonialism in Somalia and the labour question, 1890s-1930s -- Chapter 5 Interaction among customary law, islamic law and colonial law during the italian administration of Somalia -- Part III From colonization to trusteeship and independence -- Chapter 6 Italy's "right of return" to Somalia after the defeat in the second world war -- Chapter 7 The United Nations and the Somali question: The transformation process from colony indipendence -- Part IV The aftermath of italian colonialism -- Chapter 8 The case of the boundary dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia:some remarks from an international law standpoint -- Chapter 9 Reparation for colonial crimes: the case of Somalia -- Appendice -- Volumi pubblicati.

Through the concepts of ἔργον and βίος, the article describes the two happiest forms of life, i.e., the theoretical and the political one, asking whether happiness is founded on the conjunction of the two. Focusing on the connection between philosophy, education and politics the paper emphasizes the role of contemplation as πράξις and the importance of philosopher for the city. ; Through the concepts of ἔργον and βίος, the article describes the twohappiest forms of life, i.e., the theoretical and the political one, askingwhether happiness is founded on the conjunction of the two. Focusingon the connection between philosophy, education and politics the paperemphasizes the role of contemplation as πράξις and the importance ofphilosopher for the city.

L'importanza del saper progettare si coniuga con la proposta di una centratura sui territori, nell'ambito dei quali i soggetti destinatari non sono più da considerarsi meri recettori di interventi progettati a monte, ma protagonisti attivi degli stessi. L'educatore, in siffatto frangente, assume un ruolo eminentemente politico e adotta l'idea-guida dell'animazione socio-culturale, così da connettere il piano della progettualità con quello della progettazione vera e propria. Si offrono, infine, delle analisi inerenti ai contenuti core della classe delle lauree L-19, individuati, a livello nazionale, attraverso il progetto di ricerca Teco-D Pedagogia; delle piste di ricerca e delle linee di contaminazione attuativa fra i teorici e i pratici; alcune proposte contenutistiche relative al percorso di formazione degli educatori di nido e socio-pedagogici in ordine al tema ineludibile, e talora trascurato, della progettazione educativa. ; The importance of knowing how to design is constantly and inevitably experienced in the concreteness of the territories. In the social field, the recipients are no longer to be considered mere receptors of interventions planned upstream, but active protagonists. In this situation, the educator assumes an eminently political role and adopts the socio-cultural animation framework, connecting individual projectuality and community planning. Finally, the article presents an analysis of the core contents of the degrees class L-19, identified, at the national level, through the research project Teco-D Pedagogia; some research paths and lines of contamination and implementation between researchers and professionals; various content proposals related to the training path of kindergarten and socio-pedagogical educators in order to the unavoidable, and sometimes neglected, theme of educational planning.

This PhD thesis investigates the role of the reduction of fiscal autonomy and uncertainty in the allocation of resources in driving the behaviour of Italian municipalities in non-autonomous regions and of the central government. Focusing on the uncertainty of grants to compensate the abolition of the property tax on main dwellings, we construct a regression discontinuity (RD) and regression kink (RK) design to test how the behaviour of municipalities changes depending on whether they are in a "bad" state (when they manage fewer resources after property tax reform) or in a "good" state (when they manage more resources after property tax reform), and also in light of the "partisan effect" (the mechanism that allows central governments to allocate more resources to the lower layer of government politically aligned with it). An empirical analysis of Italian municipalities suggests that: 1. Municipalities acted differently in terms of waste tax implementation. Their behaviour depended on the benefits or costs they assumed af- ter the abolition of the property tax on main dwellings: in particular municipalities that suffered a loss of resources increased the waste tax more; 2. Property tax reform led to an imperfect substitution between the prop- erty tax on the main dwelling and the waste tax, with a consequent loss in equality; 3. Despite the weakness of the ex-post control and the absence of pun- ishment for lying municipalities concerning the definition of a compen- satory grant may allow the presence of a weak "partisan effect", the reform of the main dwelling property tax was transparent in resources allocation.

La gravità di un fenomeno criminoso non si misura soltanto dal numero di omicidi consumati, ma dall'uso della violenza, delle intimidazioni e dalla capacità di infiltrarsi in un ambiente lecito, fino ad imporsi nel tessuto sociale. Per queste ragioni, a partire da una ricognizione scientifica in tema di crimine organizzato mafioso, lo studio che si andrà a presentare approfondirà il tema delle compromissioni che hanno coinvolto alcuni esponenti politici indagati per violazione di interessi e finalità pubbliche. Lo scopo dell'articolo è quello di indagare la genesi e la commistione di interessi tra gli attori della società civile e quelli delle consorterie criminali. Le pagine che seguono illustreranno i contorni che hanno segnato l'approccio relazionale tra classe politica locale e "mondi sospetti". Si cercherà di comprendere se esistono o come sono state evitate eventuali forme di ibridazione tra le due parti, se è andata in scena una sorta di adattamento rispetto alla presenza di palesi proposte criminali o sotto mentite spoglie, se il mancato assenso collaborativo a gruppi ed esponenti dell'economia locale ha provocato ritorsioni o vendette ai danni dei partiti, se la collaborazione alle campagne elettorali ha condizionato, fino a inficiare, gli esiti del voto.

Pluralism and its inner potential conflictuality is the main problem of political thought in the modern world, as the recent querelle between liberals and communitarians has significantly demonstrated. A different perspective emerges from the careful consideration of social interaction. The political body arises, when the pursuing of social communication itself is set as a common end - that is, when social communication institutes a permanent space of communication. Thus, a re-consideration of politics is possible through a re-thinking of human relationships. This opens the path to the possibility of a significative convergence towards the political aristotelism of the origins and with its notion of "natural sociality" of mankind: a tradition which indicates in the participation to the "useful" (a category which implies the virtue of justice) the proper ground for politics.

The article starts with a brief reconstruction of current legal framework about direct and participatory democracy, as well as practice of decision-making sharing in political parties (think of primary elections and Rousseau platform). Then, it deals with risks of manipulation of consensus and perturbation of traditional model of political parties coming from political digital communication. Finally, it dwells on regulatory solutions passed both by Italian and UE lawmakers, besides some suggestions in a de iure condendo perspective. ; L'articolo opera una sintetica ricostruzione dell'attuale quadro normativo in tema di democrazia diretta e partecipativa, nonché delle più comuni prassi di condivisione delle decisioni interne agli stessi partiti politici (si pensi alle cc.dd. primarie e alla nota piattaforma Rousseau), per poi soffermarsi sui rischi di manipolazione del consenso e di destrutturazione dello stesso modello tradizionale di partito, propri della comunicazione politica digitale. A seguire, esso si sofferma sulle risposte elaborate dal legislatorenazionale e, soprattutto, europeo, insieme ad alcuni spunti in prospettiva de iure condendo.

This paper analyzes the political communication and the complex relational relationship between the topic and social media. Technological evolution has indeed led to rapid and global change, but this has not been accompanied by adequate forms of regulation. The goal should be to protect our democratic societies and the public institutions that represent them. ; Il presente contributo s'interroga sul tema della comunicazione politica e sul complesso rapporto relazionale che sussiste con i social media. L'evoluzione tecnologica ha difatti portato a un cambiamento rapido e globale che però non è stato accompagnato da forme adeguate di regolazione, il cui compito dovrebbe essere quello di tutelare le nostre società democratiche e le istituzioni pubbliche che le rappresentano.

This work focuses on the development of the Eurosceptic movement in three core countries: France, Italy and the United Kingdom. These nations have been characterized by a growth in the Eurosceptic idea, which culminated with the creation of new parties or with the modification of old ones, whose aim is to develop an anti-European propaganda. The most significant of these new political forces is represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party, which, with its Eurosceptic emotional discourse, has been instrumental in bringing the anti-EU sentiment in the UK to the top, till the final success of the so-called Brexit. In Italy, the Eurosceptic crusade is led by the Lega Nord, that modified its anti-Italian and regionalist discourse into an anti-European and anti-immigration one, and by the newly formed Movimento 5 Stelle. In France, the Front National is the most significant party that displays Eurosceptic sentiments, also due to its anti-immigrant and populist appeal to the masses. The emphasis of the work is put on the 2014 European Parliament elections and on how the Eurosceptic discourse of the above-mentioned parties influenced the political discourse of the old ones and the results of the elections. The empirical part of this work is conducted through a content analysis of the electoral manifestos developed for the 2014 consultation. The work is divided as it follows: in the first chapter, there is an excursus on the theory developed by numerous scholars on the Eurosceptic phenomenon and on the most important definitions to consider. Then, the work focuses on the peculiarities of each of the three nations' party system. In these chapters, there is a dissertation on the diachronic development of the Eurosceptic discourse in the party system and a discussion on the content analysis of the parties' European manifestos.

Victim of its own success, the concept of «digital democracy» risks to turn into an obstacle, and not a tool in order to grasp reality. We need to look into another field to better understand what issues today's technologies raise in relation to political freedom, understood as self-determination: the field of Internet governance. There is an interesting debate on how we should handle this new world we have in common that is constituted by the infosphere, starting with the current debates surrounding the reform proposals for the ICANN. The stakes are high (balkanization, loss of neutrality, etc.) but mainstream democratic theory is largely unprepared for the challenge. The paper shows why the debate on the control of critical Internet resources is misleading: the «seats of power» are now elsewhere. In order to move within the private ordering that currently characterizes Internet governance in a way that is respectful of fundamental rights we need to rethink the relationships between social powers.