The aim of this article is to discuss the influence of historicism on political philosophy which was revealed by Leo Strauss. The paper deals with links between historicism, modern political philosophy, and political science. Reasons are explicated for historicist elimination from scientific discourse of the main problems of classical political philosophy: justice, natural right, best political regime. The paper discusses the main ideas of historicism, which political science absorbed, and Strauss`s exposed contradictions of historicism, its inability to prove consistently the narrowness of philosophical thinking or the reliability of historicist attitude. Political science also becomes self-contradictory as much as it uses historicist approach.
This article consists of comparing research of development of fear of crime in Lithuania and in other European Union countries and sense of safety in Lithuanian society and in societies of other European and European Union countries. The definition of safety consists from three components: individual level, national level and international level from one side; and political safety, economical safety and security of national defence from another side. The sense of individual safety is subjective feeling while the level of national security is objective circumstance. These two definitions are non identic. The sense of safety and fear of crime in this article are analysed as consequences of crime victimisation. The International Crime Victim Survey in Lithuania in 1997 revealed, that crime victimisation in Lithuania is on the average level among the European and European Union countries. The crime victimisation average in the European Union and other European and non European countries is 24,4 per cent per one year. In Lithuania the same indicator is 26,9 per cent. The indicator in Lithuania is identical to the level of crime victimisation, i.e. in Switzerland (26,7per cent). But Lithuanian inhabitants have much more fear of crime that in other European countries and other industrialised countries of the world. The fear of crime per one year in Lithuania is round twice as much than in other abovementioned countries, and three-three and a half times as much as in Scandinavian countries.
This article consists of comparing research of development of fear of crime in Lithuania and in other European Union countries and sense of safety in Lithuanian society and in societies of other European and European Union countries. The definition of safety consists from three components: individual level, national level and international level from one side; and political safety, economical safety and security of national defence from another side. The sense of individual safety is subjective feeling while the level of national security is objective circumstance. These two definitions are non identic. The sense of safety and fear of crime in this article are analysed as consequences of crime victimisation. The International Crime Victim Survey in Lithuania in 1997 revealed, that crime victimisation in Lithuania is on the average level among the European and European Union countries. The crime victimisation average in the European Union and other European and non European countries is 24,4 per cent per one year. In Lithuania the same indicator is 26,9 per cent. The indicator in Lithuania is identical to the level of crime victimisation, i.e. in Switzerland (26,7per cent). But Lithuanian inhabitants have much more fear of crime that in other European countries and other industrialised countries of the world. The fear of crime per one year in Lithuania is round twice as much than in other abovementioned countries, and three-three and a half times as much as in Scandinavian countries.
The article addresses a range of problems relating to qualifying crimes against economic and financial management. The analysis of the said issues starts with a brief overview of the development of Lithuania's legislation regulating criminal responsibility for crimes against economic and financial management, as well as preconditions for adopting currently existing laws. Further, the article deals with specific aspects of the qualification of crimes against economic and financial management such as separation of crimes from administrative offences, disclosing the content of qualifying characteristics, blanket nature of norms, etc. The author maintains that one of the main reasons leading to problems of qualification is the absence in certain cases of a clear-cut content of legal provisions. While working out the norms of criminal law, the legislator sometimes take no regard of the existing legal provisions in Administrative Law. In addition, there are no well-formulated and clear criminalisation and decriminalisation criteria of the activities qualified as crimes against economic and financial management.
The article addresses a range of problems relating to qualifying crimes against economic and financial management. The analysis of the said issues starts with a brief overview of the development of Lithuania's legislation regulating criminal responsibility for crimes against economic and financial management, as well as preconditions for adopting currently existing laws. Further, the article deals with specific aspects of the qualification of crimes against economic and financial management such as separation of crimes from administrative offences, disclosing the content of qualifying characteristics, blanket nature of norms, etc. The author maintains that one of the main reasons leading to problems of qualification is the absence in certain cases of a clear-cut content of legal provisions. While working out the norms of criminal law, the legislator sometimes take no regard of the existing legal provisions in Administrative Law. In addition, there are no well-formulated and clear criminalisation and decriminalisation criteria of the activities qualified as crimes against economic and financial management.
This article analyses one element of corpus delicti of misappropriation of authorship, criminalised in Lithuanian Criminal Code Article 191 – the object (or the protected good) of a crime. The quality of Lithuanian national regulation and the scope of object of misappropriation of authorship, which affects the qualification of the crime, is evaluated by comparing it with other European Union countries' criminal legal regulation of intellectual property.
This article analyses one element of corpus delicti of misappropriation of authorship, criminalised in Lithuanian Criminal Code Article 191 – the object (or the protected good) of a crime. The quality of Lithuanian national regulation and the scope of object of misappropriation of authorship, which affects the qualification of the crime, is evaluated by comparing it with other European Union countries' criminal legal regulation of intellectual property.
This article analyses one element of corpus delicti of misappropriation of authorship, criminalised in Lithuanian Criminal Code Article 191 – the object (or the protected good) of a crime. The quality of Lithuanian national regulation and the scope of object of misappropriation of authorship, which affects the qualification of the crime, is evaluated by comparing it with other European Union countries' criminal legal regulation of intellectual property.
This article analyses one element of corpus delicti of misappropriation of authorship, criminalised in Lithuanian Criminal Code Article 191 – the object (or the protected good) of a crime. The quality of Lithuanian national regulation and the scope of object of misappropriation of authorship, which affects the qualification of the crime, is evaluated by comparing it with other European Union countries' criminal legal regulation of intellectual property.
The relationship between money and politics and the regulation of the money role in politics have long become one of the most important and persistent questions of democratic government. Various countries in the world, including Lithuania, are trying to find the best political finance mechanisms to reduce political corruption related to political finance, and to ensure the transparency by engaging in public debate, and changing the legal regulation of political finance. This article analyzes political party finance, regulatory changes and its consequences in Lithuania, with particular emphasis on sources of funding restrictions, limitations reasons, arguments and possible consequences. The main aim of the article is to find out whether the permanent change of financing of political parties and regulatory prohibitions actually help or can help to ensure the transparency of political finance in Lithuania. First, the article provides an overview of the political finance systems. Second, the analysis of political party funding regulations in Lithuania, identifying the key stages of the regulatory changes and trends, is provided. Third, the article analyzes possible consequences of the current political party funding mechanism.
The relationship between money and politics and the regulation of the money role in politics have long become one of the most important and persistent questions of democratic government. Various countries in the world, including Lithuania, are trying to find the best political finance mechanisms to reduce political corruption related to political finance, and to ensure the transparency by engaging in public debate, and changing the legal regulation of political finance. This article analyzes political party finance, regulatory changes and its consequences in Lithuania, with particular emphasis on sources of funding restrictions, limitations reasons, arguments and possible consequences. The main aim of the article is to find out whether the permanent change of financing of political parties and regulatory prohibitions actually help or can help to ensure the transparency of political finance in Lithuania. First, the article provides an overview of the political finance systems. Second, the analysis of political party funding regulations in Lithuania, identifying the key stages of the regulatory changes and trends, is provided. Third, the article analyzes possible consequences of the current political party funding mechanism.
The relationship between money and politics and the regulation of the money role in politics have long become one of the most important and persistent questions of democratic government. Various countries in the world, including Lithuania, are trying to find the best political finance mechanisms to reduce political corruption related to political finance, and to ensure the transparency by engaging in public debate, and changing the legal regulation of political finance. This article analyzes political party finance, regulatory changes and its consequences in Lithuania, with particular emphasis on sources of funding restrictions, limitations reasons, arguments and possible consequences. The main aim of the article is to find out whether the permanent change of financing of political parties and regulatory prohibitions actually help or can help to ensure the transparency of political finance in Lithuania. First, the article provides an overview of the political finance systems. Second, the analysis of political party funding regulations in Lithuania, identifying the key stages of the regulatory changes and trends, is provided. Third, the article analyzes possible consequences of the current political party funding mechanism.
Political systems doesn't limit government enforcement mode. Adoption of political regime implies its implementation into legitimacy. Definition of political regime and its enforcement is a very important issue for every single state. The analysis of regime implied into legitimacy of particular state helps us understand political process and political ruling. The actuality of this theme mostly relies on the analysis of states' political regime and its development through historical, political and national changes. Object of this work is political regimes, and its aim - to analyse political regimes that exists in world. Main tasks given – to analyse and systematically present main state governing forms, fully analyse concept of political regimes, to present its' differentiations and forms, also – to provide two empirical research: to analyse the impact of development of political regime in Lithuania, analysing its Constitutions in XX century and to analyse three various political regimes – ones existing in USA, Belarus and North Korea. States might be divided into republics and monarchies. Republics – presidential (representative) or direct democracy. Analysing republics by constitutional approach it may be also divided into parliamentary or presidential governing forms. Though mixed forms also exists. States, relying on theoretical approach and governing form may be also distinguished: unitary, federation and confederation. The governing regime depends on constitutional background that sets state's government. Political regime – methods of governing. They may be distinguished: normative, economical political, cultural, social or mixed. But mostly these regimes are distinguished into democratic or nondemocratic. Nondemocratic are also distinguished into authoritarian and totalitarian. Development of political regime mostly depends on the states' historical development, traditions, values, geopolitics or political leader. After analysing Lithuanian XX c. Constitutions, we conclude, that political regime developed from democratic to authoritarian, and nowadays – it's again democracy, that was established in the 1922 years' Constitution (with exceptions also in 1928), changed to authoritarian governing in 1938 and restored after Independency (1992). Three different foreign political regimes let us to conclude, that USA is a presenter of fundamental constitutionalism, Belarus is a state, that though has constitution but its' regime is authoritarian, and North Korea has totalitarian political regime. Master thesis consists of introduction, four parts, conclusions, list of used literature and summaries, in Lithuanian and English.
Political systems doesn't limit government enforcement mode. Adoption of political regime implies its implementation into legitimacy. Definition of political regime and its enforcement is a very important issue for every single state. The analysis of regime implied into legitimacy of particular state helps us understand political process and political ruling. The actuality of this theme mostly relies on the analysis of states' political regime and its development through historical, political and national changes. Object of this work is political regimes, and its aim - to analyse political regimes that exists in world. Main tasks given – to analyse and systematically present main state governing forms, fully analyse concept of political regimes, to present its' differentiations and forms, also – to provide two empirical research: to analyse the impact of development of political regime in Lithuania, analysing its Constitutions in XX century and to analyse three various political regimes – ones existing in USA, Belarus and North Korea. States might be divided into republics and monarchies. Republics – presidential (representative) or direct democracy. Analysing republics by constitutional approach it may be also divided into parliamentary or presidential governing forms. Though mixed forms also exists. States, relying on theoretical approach and governing form may be also distinguished: unitary, federation and confederation. The governing regime depends on constitutional background that sets state's government. Political regime – methods of governing. They may be distinguished: normative, economical political, cultural, social or mixed. But mostly these regimes are distinguished into democratic or nondemocratic. Nondemocratic are also distinguished into authoritarian and totalitarian. Development of political regime mostly depends on the states' historical development, traditions, values, geopolitics or political leader. After analysing Lithuanian XX c. Constitutions, we conclude, that political regime developed from democratic to authoritarian, and nowadays – it's again democracy, that was established in the 1922 years' Constitution (with exceptions also in 1928), changed to authoritarian governing in 1938 and restored after Independency (1992). Three different foreign political regimes let us to conclude, that USA is a presenter of fundamental constitutionalism, Belarus is a state, that though has constitution but its' regime is authoritarian, and North Korea has totalitarian political regime. Master thesis consists of introduction, four parts, conclusions, list of used literature and summaries, in Lithuanian and English.
A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.
