Suchergebnisse

The impact of digitalisation and of the internet affects not only society and the economy. Politics, too, is beginning to be transformed. Alongside many other initiatives, the Brazilian Digital Culture Forum, held in Brazil in 2009, provides an example of how democracy can benefit from innovation. By means of a digital social network, the public continually interacts, proposing and reviewing public policies. This is not the only example: our country is experiencing a proliferation of the use of the net for social and cultural ends. The changes are profound, but the intellectual and macro-political worlds have not yet realised their potential. ; El impacto de la digitalización y de Internet no afecta únicamente a la sociedad y la economía, sino que la política empieza a sufrir una transformación. Junto a muchas otras iniciativas, el Foro de la Cultura Digital Brasileña, celebrado en Brasil durante el año 2009, es un ejemplo de cómo la democracia puede beneficiarse de la innovación. Por medio de una red social digital, los ciudadanos interactúan continuamente proponiendo y fiscalizando las políticas públicas. Y este no es el único ejemplo. En nuestro país proliferan las iniciativas de uso de la red para fines sociales y culturales. Los cambios son profundos, pero la intelectualidad y la macropolítica todavía no han percibido su potencial. ; L'impacte de la digitalizació i d'internet no afecta només la societat i l'economia, sinó que la política comença a patir una transformació. Al costat de moltes altres iniciatives, el Fòrum de la Cultura Digital Brasilera, celebrat al Brasil durant l'any 2009, és un exemple de com la democràcia es pot beneficiar de la innovació. Per mitjà d'una xarxa social digital, els ciutadans interactuen contínuament proposant i fiscalitzant les polítiques públiques. I aquest no n'és l'únic exemple. Al nostre país proliferen les iniciatives d'ús de la xarxa per a finalitats socials i culturals. Els canvis són profunds, però la intel·lectualitat i la macropolítica encara no han percebut el potencial d'aquests canvis.

L'impacte de la digitalizació i d'internet no afecta només la societat i l'economia, sinó que la política comença a patir una transformació. Al costat de moltes altres iniciatives, el Fòrum de la Cultura Digital Brasilera, celebrat al Brasil durant l'any 2009, és un exemple de com la democràcia es pot beneficiar de la innovació. Per mitjà d'una xarxa social digital, els ciutadans interactuen contínuament proposant i fiscalitzant les polítiques públiques. I aquest no n'és l'únic exemple. Al nostre país proliferen les iniciatives d'ús de la xarxa per a finalitats socials i culturals. Els canvis són profunds, però la intel·lectualitat i la macropolítica encara no han percebut el potencial d'aquests canvis. ; The impact of digitalisation and of the internet affects not only society and the economy. Politics, too, is beginning to be transformed. Alongside many other initiatives, the Brazilian Digital Culture Forum, held in Brazil in 2009, provides an example of how democracy can benefit from innovation. By means of a digital social network, the public continually interacts, proposing and reviewing public policies. This is not the only example: our country is experiencing a proliferation of the use of the net for social and cultural ends. The changes are profound, but the intellectual and macro-political worlds have not yet realised their potential. ; El impacto de la digitalización y de Internet no afecta únicamente a la sociedad y la economía, sino que la política empieza a sufrir una transformación. Junto a muchas otras iniciativas, el Foro de la Cultura Digital Brasileña, celebrado en Brasil durante el año 2009, es un ejemplo de cómo la democracia puede beneficiarse de la innovación. Por medio de una red social digital, los ciudadanos interactúan continuamente proponiendo y fiscalizando las políticas públicas. Y este no es el único ejemplo. En nuestro país proliferan las iniciativas de uso de la red para fines sociales y culturales. Los cambios son profundos, pero la intelectualidad y la macropolítica todavía no han percibido su potencial.

L'Administració local, partint del valor afegit que li confereix la seva proximitat als ciutadans, ha d'exercir un paper fonamental en l'acció educativa que comparteix en diferents temps i espais socials amb les famílies, les escoles i les comunitats, al llarg de tota la vida de les persones. Una perspectiva que concretem en tres grans objectius que han de guiar el desenvolupament del potencial socioeducatiu de l'esport i la cultura en l'àmbit "local" i no només "municipal": augmentar la participació ciutadana, millorar els coneixements bàsics de la població i habilitar vies per tal que puguin expressar les seves necessitats i interessos. En el text s'apunten algunes línies d'acció, concretades en iniciatives pràctiques d'acord amb les consideracions teòriques expressades. ; Local administration, whose proximity to citizens affords it added value, is a key element of educational action shared with families, schools and communities throughout people's lives. We approach this perspective through three goals that guide the development of the socio-educative potential of sport and culture in the "local field" (not only in the "municipal field") by: (1) increasing citizen participation; (2) improving the local population's knowledge base; and (3) creating routes through which citizens may express their needs and aspirations. We raise some practical lines of action based on the presented theory. ; La Administración local, partiendo del valor añadido que le confiere su proximidad a los ciudadanos, debe jugar un papel fundamental en la acción educativa que comparte endiferentes tiempos y espacios sociales con las familias, las escuelas y las comunidades, a lo largo de toda la vida de las personas. Una perspectiva que concretamos en tres grandes objetivos que deben guiar el desarrollo del potencial socioeducativo del deporte y la cultura en el ámbito "local" y no sólo "municipal": aumentar la participación ciudadana, mejorar los conocimientos básicos de la población y habilitar vías para que puedan expresar sus necesidades e intereses. En el texto se apuntan algunas líneas de acción, concretadas en iniciativas prácticas acordes con las consideraciones teóricas expresadas.

[EN] İstanbul owns a historical texture rich in architecture, culture, and memory, which are seen in very few metropolises. This city, which has undergone many changes due to social, political, and cultural reasons, has begun to lose its many important values day by day. The biggest reason for this is that the city is culturally vibrant, so that it is desired to be transformed into a source of political income. However, solutions that will strengthen the current situation of İstanbul as a whole and ensure its continuation on solid foundations should be determined and implemented. In this study, Beyoğlu district is considered as the pilot area, one of the rare regions that this wealth has survived to the present day. The first aim of this study is to determine the reasons and purposes for the unnecessary reconstructions of historical buildings located in Beyoğlu, far from their original look, so-called facadism. The second aim of this study is to identify the changes made on the facades in terms of culture and memory and propose suggestions by using photographing, literature review, and analysis with collage methods. In the study, three of the selected four buildings are located on İstiklal street, the other one on Sıraselviler street, two places where the rapid structural/architectural identity transformation in the last 15-20 years can be seen most clearly. As a result of this study, it has been determined that the functions of historical buildings are being degenerated. Their facades are only kept as masks, and the architectural memory is devolved in this way. ; [CA] Istanbul posseeix una textura històrica rica en arquitectura, cultura i memòria, que es veu en molt poques metròpolis. Aquesta ciutat, que ha patit molts canvis per motius socials, polítics i culturals, ha començat a perdre dia a dia els seus molts i importants valors. La raó més gran és que la ciutat és culturalment vibrant, per la qual cosa es desitja transformar-la en una font d'ingressos polítics. No obstant això, cal determinar i aplicar ...

Tutkimuksen kohteena on kokonaisturvallisuus julkisena toimintapolitiikkana, ja sitä tarkastellaan sekä monimutkaisena ja yhteenkietoutuneena ilmiönä että turvallisuuspoliittisena strategiana. Kokonaisturvallisuus on laajaan turvallisuuskäsitteeseen perustuva, aiemmasta kokonaismaanpuolustuksen käsitteistöstä ja strategiasta kehitetty toimintapolitiikka, jolla tavoitellaan kokonaisvaltaista yhteiskunnallisen turvallisuuden hallinnan mallia. Tutkimuksen päämääränä on analysoida kokonaisturvallisuutta systeeminä, arvioida sen kelpoisuutta, toteutettavuutta ja edellytyksiä vastata turvallisuusympäristön muutoksiin. Tutkimus on metodologisesti laadullinen. Aineistona ovat suomalaiset kokonaisturvallisuuden alaan liittyvät erilaiset ja eritasoiset strategiat, ohjelmat ja muut dokumentit, ja toimintaympäristöön ja sen muutokseen liittyvät Euroopan unionin strategiat ja ohjelmat. Teoriaviitekehys perustuu Niklas Luhmannin systeemiajatteluun, jossa systeemin perusrakenteita ovat kommunikaatio, tieto ja merkitykset, ja joka korostaa valintoja kompleksisuuden hallinnan välineinä. Ajattelussa korostuu myös huiputon ja keskukseton yhteiskunta. Prosessimaisen otteensa vuoksi tutkimus kiinnittää huomiota yksittäisten osatekijöiden tai toimijoiden sijaan prosessiin ja kokonaisuuden systeemisyyteen, mikä korreloi sekä kokonaisturvallisuuden tavoitteiden että kompleksisuuden vaatimusten suhteen. Kokonaisturvallisuuden analyysi sekä tunnistaa tutkimuksessa sen kehittämiseen liittyneen merkityskamppailun, että tuo esiin käsitteen epäselvyyden, epäanalyyttisyyden ja "jaetun merkityksen" puuttumisen, mikä heijastuu strategian ohjaavaan vaikutukseen sekä siihen, miten politiikkaideaa on kehitetty. Kokonaisturvallisuuden politiikkaidea on sinällään laajasti hyväksyttävä ja sillä on positiivista valenssia. Yhteistyön ja koordinoinnin korostamisella uskotaan olevan kokonaisuuden hallintaa kehittävä vaikutus. Turvallisuuden kokonaisuuden koordinointitarve onkin jo pelkästään uhkien keskinäisriippuvuuden vuoksi ilmeinen. Poliittista kelpoisuutta haittaavat kokonaisuuden strategisen ohjauksen ohuus ja hajanaisuus, mikä näkyy erityisesti yhteensovittavan tehtävän vaikeutena. Monet systeemin rakenteellisista peruselementeistä ovat jääneet kokonaisturvallisuuden kehittämisessä vähälle huomiolle. Tutkimuksen mukaan tämä vaikeuttaa sen toteutettavuutta. Kokonaisturvallisuuden hallinnassa olennaista on keskinäisriippuvuuksien ja systeemisyyden tunnistaminen ja hallinta. Tutkimuksen tulosten avulla kokonaisturvallisuutta systeemisenä turvallisuuden hallinnan mallina voidaan kehittää ja edistää. Tutkimus päätyy suositukseen kokonaisturvallisuuden kehittämisen ratkaisumallista (ns. älykkään adaptiivisen kompleksisen turvallisuussysteemin idean avulla). Tutkimus tarjoaa eväitä myös uusien kokonaisturvallisuutta koskevien poliittisten linjausten ja politiikkatoimien muotoilulle. ; The main objectives of this study are to clarify and deepen the understanding of the phenomena of comprehensive security and to analyze and evaluate the political viability and administrative operability. Furthermore, the study aims to analyze comprehensive security as a political process and a complex system. In addition, the research deals with changing security environment, emerging security threats. Originally, the concept of comprehensive security derived from the previous concept of comprehensive defense and preparedness in Finland, but it also has roots in the Nordic states' cooperation processes of civil security since 2009. At policy and doctrinal levels, the 2000s saw a converging trend in Nordic states to-wards the definition of societal or comprehensive security concepts that might co-exist with military-led planning for war-time, but within which the softer aspects of security were paramount. The "societal" approach defines the protection of society as a whole – with its own complex mechanisms, values and culture – as its goal, rather than physical boundaries or the isolated and abstract individual. It also rec-ognizes the capacity of non-state actors within society, from businesses to social organizations and individuals, to play a large role themselves in warding against, coping with, and recovering from disasters. The research questions are: 1. What is comprehensive security like as a policy or meta-strategy, political process and complex system? 2. Is the comprehensive security policy or meta-strategy politically viable and administratively feasible? What kind of conditions the strategies (policies) provide for the administrative operability and the development of capabilities? The theory framework is based on Niklas Luhmann's systems and complexity thinking. Luhmann perceives society as centerless and topless system in which communication, information and meanings are considered as the basic elements. The aim of communication is to cause action in systems and formulate new system levels by creating new chains of communication. The empirical part of the research is established on the methodology of concept analysis, content analysis and policy-analysis. The policy-analysis was conducted by the method of political reading. Political reading can be characterized as 'de-mapping', which refers to opening up new aspects of contingency and thus ex-panding of the presence of the political therein (Palonen 1993: 13-15). Through the analysis of the political process the struggle of meanings was iden-tified. As a concept, comprehensive security is ambiguous, unanalytical and unclear. There is a lack of shared meanings, which reflects on how difficult it is to steer the comprehensive security. By emphasizing its cooperative and coordinative nature, is believed to promote better governance of security. However, the lack of steering hampers the political viability which the difficulties of the coordination clearly indi-cate. Many of the basic elements of a system (information/knowledge, communica-tion and meanings) have been ignored in the development of comprehensive secu-rity. This hampers its administrative operability. The study emphasizes that systemic instruments, systems intelligence, identified interdependence and systemic nature of threats and security environment are essential components of comprehensive security governance. The research produced also 10 normative conclusions, by which the compre-hensive security can be developed further with. In addition, it gives the recommen-dation for the development of a model, according to the idea of intelligent adaptive complex system. It also offers information for new political aligning and policy formulations. Due to the process approach of the research, it pays attention to societal security system as a whole, not to single functions or actors. This fits to-gether with the goals set for comprehensive security and the requirements the se-curity environment and complexity imposes.

A Indonèsia, els anys posteriors a la caiguda del règim de Suharto han estat marcats per una proliferació de la cultura devota popular en els mitjans de comunicació. Aquesta proliferació se situa en el context de la transició política d'un règim autoritari a la democràcia, la industrialització dels mitjans de comunicació i la irrupció de l'islam com una de les claus essencials per a entendre l'actual transformació en els àmbits polítics, socials i culturals de la societat indonèsia contemporània. A grans trets, la meva tesi analitza el paper de l'islam en aquesta transformació i com la cultura popular n'ha format part integral. Per mitjà del cas pràctic de la producció d'una telenovel·la religiosa, m'interessa explorar la complexitat que impregna les pràctiques religioses quan el moviment de devoció religiosa s'apropia dels mitjans de comunicació laics/capitalistes per a promoure el culte. En altres paraules, aquest article es pregunta el següent: quan la lògica del moviment de devoció religiosa i la lògica de la indústria mediàtica convergeixen, quin tipus de pràctiques religioses i cinematogràfiques es mantenen, es negocien i es qüestionen? Partint d'un marc metodològic basat en les teories sobre les pràctiques mediàtiques (Bourdieu, 1977 i 1993; Couldry, 2004; Hobart, propera aparició; Rajagopal, 2001), he estructurat en dues dimensions la meva anàlisi sobre com i per què es construeixen, ratifiquen i qüestionen les pràctiques i els estàndards: dimensió interna (on-site) i dimensió externa (off-site). ; In the last few years, Indonesia's post-Suharto's era has been marked by a proliferation of popular piety culture in the media. This proliferation is situated within the political transition from authoritarianism to democracy, the industrialization of media and the emergence of Islam as one of the important keys to unlocking the ongoing transformation of the political, social and cultural spheres of contemporary Indonesian society. My thesis, in general, is a study of the role of Islam in this transformation and how popular culture is an integral part of it. Through my study case of the production of a religious TV series, I want to explore the complexity that makes up religious practices when the piety movement takes up secular/capitalist media to further their movement. In other words, this paper asks: when the logic of the piety movement and the logic of the media industry converge, what kinds of practices in terms of religious practices and film-making practices are maintained, negotiated, and challenged? Building my methodological framework on theories of media practices (Bourdieu, 1977 and 1993; Couldry, 2004; Hobart, forthcoming; Rajagopal, 2001), I divide my analysis into how and why practices and standards are constructed, affirmed and challenged in two foci: on-site and off-site. ; En Indonesia, los años posteriores a la caída del régimen de Suharto han sido marcados por una proliferación de una cultura devota popular en los medios de comunicación. Esta proliferación se sitúa en el contexto de la transición política de un régimen autoritario a la democracia, la industrialización de los medios de comunicación y la irrupción del islam como una de las claves esenciales para entender la actual transformación en los ámbitos políticos, sociales y culturales de la sociedad indonesia contemporánea. A grandes rasgos, mi tesis analiza el papel del islam en esta transformación y cómo la cultura popular ha formado parte integral de ella. Por medio del caso práctico de la producción de una telenovela religiosa, me interesa explorar la complejidad que impregna las prácticas religiosas cuando el movimiento de devoción religiosa se apropia de los medios de comunicación laicos/capitalistas para promover el culto. En otras palabras, este artículo se pregunta lo siguiente: cuando la lógica del movimiento de devoción religiosa y la lógica de la industria mediática convergen, ¿qué tipo de prácticas religiosas y cinematográficas se mantienen, se negocian y se cuestionan? Partiendo de un marco metodológico basado en las teorías sobre las prácticas mediáticas (Bourdieu, 1977 y 1993; Couldry, 2004; Hobart, próxima aparición; Rajagopal, 2001), he estructurado en dos dimensiones mi análisis sobre cómo y por qué se construyen, ratifican y cuestionan las prácticas y los estándares: dimensión interna (on-site) y dimensión externa (off-site).

A Indonèsia, els anys posteriors a la caiguda del règim de Suharto han estat marcats per una proliferació de la cultura devota popular en els mitjans de comunicació. Aquesta proliferació se situa en el context de la transició política d'un règim autoritari a la democràcia, la industrialització dels mitjans de comunicació i la irrupció de l'islam com una de les claus essencials per a entendre l'actual transformació en els àmbits polítics, socials i culturals de la societat indonèsia contemporània. A grans trets, la meva tesi analitza el paper de l'islam en aquesta transformació i com la cultura popular n'ha format part integral. Per mitjà del cas pràctic de la producció d'una telenovel·la religiosa, m'interessa explorar la complexitat que impregna les pràctiques religioses quan el moviment de devoció religiosa s'apropia dels mitjans de comunicació laics/capitalistes per a promoure el culte. En altres paraules, aquest article es pregunta el següent: quan la lògica del moviment de devoció religiosa i la lògica de la indústria mediàtica convergeixen, quin tipus de pràctiques religioses i cinematogràfiques es mantenen, es negocien i es qüestionen? Partint d'un marc metodològic basat en les teories sobre les pràctiques mediàtiques (Bourdieu, 1977 i 1993; Couldry, 2004; Hobart, propera aparició; Rajagopal, 2001), he estructurat en dues dimensions la meva anàlisi sobre com i per què es construeixen, ratifiquen i qüestionen les pràctiques i els estàndards: dimensió interna (on-site) i dimensió externa (off-site). ; In the last few years, Indonesia's post-Suharto's era has been marked by a proliferation of popular piety culture in the media. This proliferation is situated within the political transition from authoritarianism to democracy, the industrialization of media and the emergence of Islam as one of the important keys to unlocking the ongoing transformation of the political, social and cultural spheres of contemporary Indonesian society. My thesis, in general, is a study of the role of Islam in this transformation and how popular culture is an integral part of it. Through my study case of the production of a religious TV series, I want to explore the complexity that makes up religious practices when the piety movement takes up secular/capitalist media to further their movement. In other words, this paper asks: when the logic of the piety movement and the logic of the media industry converge, what kinds of practices in terms of religious practices and film-making practices are maintained, negotiated, and challenged? Building my methodological framework on theories of media practices (Bourdieu, 1977 and 1993; Couldry, 2004; Hobart, forthcoming; Rajagopal, 2001), I divide my analysis into how and why practices and standards are constructed, affirmed and challenged in two foci: on-site and off-site. ; En Indonesia, los años posteriores a la caída del régimen de Suharto han sido marcados por una proliferación de una cultura devota popular en los medios de comunicación. Esta proliferación se sitúa en el contexto de la transición política de un régimen autoritario a la democracia, la industrialización de los medios de comunicación y la irrupción del islam como una de las claves esenciales para entender la actual transformación en los ámbitos políticos, sociales y culturales de la sociedad indonesia contemporánea. A grandes rasgos, mi tesis analiza el papel del islam en esta transformación y cómo la cultura popular ha formado parte integral de ella. Por medio del caso práctico de la producción de una telenovela religiosa, me interesa explorar la complejidad que impregna las prácticas religiosas cuando el movimiento de devoción religiosa se apropia de los medios de comunicación laicos/capitalistas para promover el culto. En otras palabras, este artículo se pregunta lo siguiente: cuando la lógica del movimiento de devoción religiosa y la lógica de la industria mediática convergen, ¿qué tipo de prácticas religiosas y cinematográficas se mantienen, se negocian y se cuestionan? Partiendo de un marco metodológico basado en las teorías sobre las prácticas mediáticas (Bourdieu, 1977 y 1993; Couldry, 2004; Hobart, próxima aparición; Rajagopal, 2001), he estructurado en dos dimensiones mi análisis sobre cómo y por qué se construyen, ratifican y cuestionan las prácticas y los estándares: dimensión interna (on-site) y dimensión externa (off-site).

Zsfassungen d. Beitr. in engl. Sprache

Finnish Lapland is a historical borderland of Finnish and Sámi cultures. Such a region offers various social-political identifications for people to choose: people may see it possible to identify as Finnish, Laplanders, Lappish or Sámi, for instance. However, the choices have social and political limits, and some identifications are more contested than others. The book examines the processes of identifications in the middle parts of Lapland, just south of the region defined as Sámi homeland in Finland. While the study reveals differences and nuances in people's thinking, it also shows that there is a recognizable sense of shared cultural specifity around the region. Lapland is conceptualized as an extraordinary place with unusual nature and history, characterized by particular livelihoods (such as reindeer herding) and lively cultural interaction. The book concludes that while Lapland is extraordinary as a historical dwelling region of indigenous Sámi, it may be politically significant to recognize it as a unique borderland of cultures with features of its own.

In contemporary democratic societies most administrations manage their competences by means of programmes of government action, i.e. using public policies. These aim to resolve publicly identified situations or conflicts, as well as design strategies and / or implementation tools by means of action programmes derived from political - public administration agreements that have the objective of resolving these collective problems. Within this framework it is necessary to evaluate these processes so as to identify if the programmes established by the governments have been adequate, and if they have been capable of solving the various problems and of reaching the target groups in order to satisfy their needs and improve the situation of the final beneficiaries. This research proposes the analysis and measurement of cultural events, understood as acts of implementing a public policy, in order to later discover if evaluating a policy by means of the proposed analysis of the impacts is possible. Therefore the challenge of this research is found in the process of analysing cultural impacts so as to be able to observe if this analysis process can be adapted to the effectiveness analysis of a public policy. ; En les societats democràtiques contemporànies, la majoria de les administracions gestionen les seves competències per mitjà de programes d'acció governamental, és a dir, les polítiques públiques, destinades a resoldre situacions identificades públicament. Així doncs les estratègies i/o eines d'implementació per mitjà dels programes d'acció - acords de l'administració pública- tenen l'objectiu de resoldre aquests problemes col•lectius. Dins d'aquest marc, cal avaluar aquests processos, per tal de determinar si els programes establerts pels governs han estat suficients, si han estat capaços de resoldre els diversos problemes i si han arribat als grups objectiu per tal de satisfer les seves necessitats, millorant la situació dels beneficiaris finals. Aquesta investigació proposa l'anàlisi i la mesura dels esdeveniments ...

Reflexió a partir del projecte migratori que menors i joves del Magreb duen a terme atrets per la possibilitat d'un futur millor. El xoc cultural i les poques possibililats que troben al país d'acollida sumat a la falta de sensibilitat política provoca que, en molts casos, queden al marge del sistema de protecció generant exclusió socia l'addicció a tòxics, dinàmiques de carrer delictives, etc. Aquesta situació ha provocat l'aparició d'una nova manifestació del fenomen de persones sense sostre. ; Reflexión a partir del proyecto migratorio que menores y jóvenes del Magreb llevan a cabo atraídos por la posibilidad de un futuro mejor. El choque cultural y las pocas § posibilidades que encuentran en el país de acogida sumado a la fa lta de sensibilidad en política provoca que, en muchos casos, queden al margen del sistema de protección generando excl usión social, ad icción a tóxicos, dinámicas de calle delictivas, etc. Esta situación ha provocado la aparic ión de una nueva manifestación del fenómeno de personas sin techo. ; A reflection on the migration which minors and youths from North Africa make attracted by the possibility of a better future. The culture shock and the few possibilities they find in the country which receives them, added to the lack of political sensivity means that, in many cases, they are left out of the protection system, thus causing social exclusion, drug addiction, street crime, etc. This situation has led to the appearance of a new manifestation of the homeless phenomenon.

Marxismin mukaan kapitalistisen yhteiskunnan jäsenet jakaantuvat kolmeen luokkaan: porvaristoon, keskiluokkaan ja työväenluokkaan. Jotkut marxismin tukijat jakavat keskiluokan talonpojistoon ja muuhun keskiluokkaan. Talonpojisto on vähenevä luokka. Koska marxismin luokkateorian mukaan poliittiset puolueet vaalivat yhteiskuntaluokien intressejä, tutkin pitääkö tämä väite paikkansa. Ensin selvitin marxilaisen teorian luokista ja niiden intresseistä eli eduista, joiden puolustamiseski luokat järjestäytyvät poliittisiksi puolueiksi. Ne laativat itselleen yhteiskuntapoliittiset ohjelmansa, joita ne pyrkivät politiikansa avulla toteuttamaan. Tutkimusaineistona käytän Suomen eduskunnassa tutkimusvuosina edustettina olelleiden puolueiden tavoite- ja yleisohjelmia, joista selvitän sisällön analyysiä käyttäen niiden sisällön ja julkilausutut tavoitteet. Erityisesti pyrin selvittämään orientoituvatko puolueet ohjelmissaan tiettyjen luokkien etujen puolustajiksi vai missä määrin ne esiintyvät yhteiskunnan yleisten etujen vaalijoina. Tutkimus tapahtuu toisaalta puolueiden eduskuntoimintaa selvittämällä. Tällöin pyrin saamaan selville sen toimivatko puolueet periaate- ja tavoiteohjelmiensa mukaisesti laatiessaan lakialoitteita eduskunnassa. Kolmantena tutkimuskohteena on hallituksen esitysten sisällön eritteleminen intressiorientaation pojalta. Kysymys kuuluu palvelevatko hallituksen esitykset yleistä vai luokkien erityisetuja. Tutkimuksessa selvisi, että puolueet niin ohjelmalausumissaan kuin eduskuntatoiminnassaan vaalivat sekä yleistä etu, josta käytän nimitystä luokkien yhteisetu, että luokkien erityisetuja. Eniten puolueet vaalivat yhteisetua. Erityiseduista puolueet vaalivat kukin tiettyä luokkaetua enemmän kuin toista. Tämän perusteella puolueet jakaantuvat ensijaisesti porvariston, keskiluokan ja työväenluokanetuja vaaliviksi. Hallituksen esityksissä luokkaorientaatio on heikompaa kuin kansanedustajien lakialoitteissa. Tutkimustuloksistani selviää myös se, että vaikka puolueet ovat viime vuosikymmeninä ottaneet vaaliakseen aikaisempaa enemmän kaikkien luokkien intressejä ja niiden yleispuolueominaisuudet ovat lisääntyneet, tietty luokkaorientaatio on säilynyt. ; Classes continually alter and influence party strategies and also the behaviour of voters. The members of classes form economic, professional and political organisations. Every class aims to exert the greatest influence upon the state with the help of its political party. This study researches the class basis of political competition, the effect of class interests on the policies of nine Finnish parties in their political programmes and initiative work in the Parliament. The investigation is based on historical materialism and its class structure theory developed by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and other Marxists. The aim of study is to estimate how appropriate the class schema of historical materialism is for analysing the political partisanships and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial society. The statements and aims of political party programmes are put into practice in Parliament. This research analyses how parties represent their aims in their political programmes and what their parliamentarians do in Parliament. Is a party the representative of one class or does it equally promote the interests of many classes? Is it a class party or a generally oriented party? As in historical materialism, the programmes and legislative initiatives have been classified into five groups. The first group contains general class interest, oriented towards the common good. The next four groups comprise bills with a specific class interest orientation: bourgeoisie, the middle class, farmers and workers. The parties investigated are The National Coalition Party /The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Finnish Centre Party, The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance, The Liberals, The True Finns, The Christian Democratic Party and The Greens. The changes in politics and in party relationships over thirty years are investigated by comparing the parliamentary actions of parties from the 1960´s to the 1990´s. The study concerns the legislative initiatives of the years 1965, 1972, 1988 and 1999. The data on the programmes were collected from the two political programmes of nine parties from the years 1950 2003. The programmes of political parties are the public flag of the party as Engels expressed it, although their programmes have lost some of their class orientation. In the programmes of all nine political parties the contents aiming at the common good are the first, most important aim, the percentages being 76 98 %. Differences in the programmes of the political parties can still be found. The political parties emphasise their interests and aims in their own ways. The Conservative Party, The Swedish People´s Party and The Liberals have the next important interest in the bourgeoisie. The Swedish People´s Party, The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns emphasise the middle class and the farmers. The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens take care of working class. The main task of Parliament is to enact legislation. Bills can be submitted to Parliament by the Government or as private members bills. In this process the class interests notably emerge in private members bills of plenary sessions. The main Finnish political parties took into consideration the interests of all classes. All nine parties have made in the largest extent common good legislative initiatives. For all nine parties, the most prevalent type of legislative initiatives was those for the common good (84 -67 %). At the same time they tended to favour special class interests. The least specific class parties were The Christian Democratic Party, The Green Party and The Swedish People´s Party. Among special class interests all the parties oriented more to middle class interests in Parliament than in their declared objectives (18.8 7.0 %). The Liberals, The Conservative Party, The Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns had the strongest middle class orientation. The Conservative Party were the most bourgeois party (10.2%). The strongest working class interest was found in The Left Alliance, The Social Democratic Party and The Green Party (18.8 13.1 %). The Finnish Centre Party and The Social Democratic party, The Left Alliance and The True Finns were closest to working class interests. Are there class oriented differences in the contents of the legislative initiatives and political programmes of the nine political parties? The contents were classified into eleven groups: administration, civil rights, nature conservation, economics, occupation structure, social policy, public health, education, culture, labour market and international affairs. All nine parties have the same three most important contents of legislative initiatives. These were finance/economics, social policy and administration systems. And all nine parties were more interested in financial and economic aims than their political manifestos suggest. The fourth important content for The Conservative Party, The Swedish People`s Party, The Liberals and The Christian Democratic Party was education. Employment was the fourth aim of The Finnish Centre Party and The True Finns. The Labour Market was also important to The Finnish Social Democratic Party, The Left Alliance and The Greens. Nature conservation was important to The Greens, too. The contents of government bills are more oriented towards the common good than are the private members bills. The conclusion is that the main Finnish political parties took the interests of all classes into consideration. At the same time they reveal preferences for special class interests. This emerges in political manifestos and legislative initiatives and government proposals. The Finnish political parties are not purely general parties devoid of class background. Finance and economics was the basis upon which the people arranged their lives and formed political opinions. The class structure of historical materialism is suitable to demonstrate political partisanship in Finland during the second half of the twentieth century. Social changes affect both the class structures and the political aims of parties and give rise to social and ideological conflicts in advanced industrial societies. The consensus policy is one appearance of civilized class struggle.

In this paper the author draws attention to some key concepts of the political economy of digital culture asking whether new theories of social production and sympathetic cooperation, in the work of authors such as Yochai Benkler and Maurizio Lazzarato, can offer an alternative to the neoliberal logic of market-based competition as the basis for the production of new forms of life. ; En este artículo, la autora llama la atención sobre algunos conceptos clave de la economía política de la cultura digital y se pregunta si las nuevas teorías de producción social y la cooperación solidaria, en el trabajo de autores como Yochai Benkler y Maurizio Lazzarato, pueden ofrecer una alternativa a la lógica neoliberal de la competencia basada en el mercado como base para la producción de nuevas formas de vida. ; En aquest article, l'autora crida l'atenció sobre alguns conceptes clau de l'economia política de la cultura digital i es pregunta si les noves teories de producció social i la cooperació solidària, en el treball d'autors com Yochai Benkler i Maurizio Lazzarato, poden oferir una alternativa a la lògica neoliberal de la competència basada en el mercat com a base per a la producció de noves formes de vida.