Haberle claims constitutional law is a comparative experiential science closely linked with political science with which it shares the research subject. The constitutional state has been going through a permanent process of changes; the central question is who is the prime mover of constitutional changes: constitutional/legal institutions, constitutional/legal science, & political science or public opinion & political culture of citizens? By analyzing the recent history of the changes of the German constitutions he suggests that all these factors contribute to constitutional changes. Nevertheless, as an expert for law & political science, who considers himself as belonging to the wider European scientific community, Haberle thinks that the decisive influences in constitutional changes stem from legal & political sciences & concludes: Sine qua (scientia) mortalium vita non regitur liberaliter (Without science, mortals do not command their life freely). Adapted from the source document.
Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati stavove srednjoškolskih učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora o nekim europskim vrijednostima. Prihvaćenost pojedinih europskih vrijednosti ispitana je s obzirom na spol, dob, vrstu srednje škole koju pohađaju učenici, školsku spremu roditelja, regionalnu i nacionalnu pripadnost ispitanika. Uzorak čini 2143 učenika srednjih škola, 1027 roditelja srednjoškolaca te 181 profesor. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti da postoji statistički značajna razlika među učenicima s obzirom na regionalnu pripadnost u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti. Najviši stupanj prihvaćanja iskazuju učenici Primorsko-goranske županije, koji se značajno razlikuju u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti od svojih vršnjaka iz Istarske županije. Učenici starije dobi pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti za razliku od mlađih učenika. Isto tako, srednjoškolke pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti u odnosu na svoje muške kolege. Postoji statistički značajna razlika između roditelja muškog i ženskog spola u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrednota u korist muških ispitanika, koji pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrednota od ženskih ispitanika. Na kraju, dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da ne postoji statistički značajna razlika u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti s obzirom na spol, dob i nacionalnu pripadnost profesora srednjih škola. ; The aim of this study was to examine the attitudes of high school students, their parents and teachers towards some European values. The acceptance of certain European values was examined in relation to subjects' gender, age, type of high school, parents' education, regional and national affiliation. The sample comprised 2143 high school students, 1027 high school students' parents and 181 teachers. The results show the statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values between students of different regional affinity. Students from the Primorsko-goranska county show the highest level of acceptance, which is statistically different from the one obtained in their peer group from Istarska county. The degree of acceptance is higher in the group of older female students in comparison with younger male students. Furthermore, female high school students show higher degree of acceptance then their male peers. There is a statistically significant difference in the acceptance of European values between male and female parents: male parents show higher acceptance of those values in comparison with female parents. Finally, the results showed no statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values in regard to gender, age and national affiliation of high school teachers. ; Die Untersuchung hatte zum Ziel, die Einstellungen von Mittelschülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern zu einigen europäischen Werten zu überprüfen. Die Akzeptanz einzelner europäischer Werte wurde im Hinblick auf Geschlecht und Alter der Mittelschüler, Art der von ihnen besuchten Mitelschule, Schulausbildung der Eltern, regionale und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Befragten untersucht. Befragt wurden 2143 Mittelschüler, 1027 Eltern von Mittelschülern und 181 Lehrer. Auf Grund der gewonnenen Ergebnisse kann gefolgert werden, dass der Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte unter den Schülern eine statistisch bedeutende Abweichung im Hinblick auf deren regionale Zugehörigkeit aufweist. Die größte Akzeptanz äußerten die Schüler aus dem Kroatischen Küstenland (Hrvatsko primorje), deren positive Einstellungen sich bedeutend von den Einstellungen ihrer Altersgenossen aus Istrien unterscheiden. Die Schülerinnen höherer Altersstufen äußerten eine höhere Akzeptanz europäischer Werte als die jüngeren Schüler. Gleichermaßen zeigen die Mittelschülerinnen einen höheren Zustimmungsgrad als deren männliche Kollegen. Es gibt einen statistisch bedeutsamen Unterschied zwischen den Eltern männlichen und weiblichen Geschlechts im Hinblick auf deren Akzeptieren von europäischen Werten zugunsten der männlichen Befragten, die einen höheren Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte aufweisen als die weiblichen Befragten. Darüber hinaus lassen die gewonnenen Ergebnisse den Schluss zu, dass es keinen statistisch bedeutenden Unterschied im Grad der Annehmbarkeit europäischer Werte gibt im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, Alter und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Mittelschullehrer.
Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new Rule Book of Definition of Scientific Areas. According to the book, Politology is a scientific field in the area of social science. It is divided into 3 branches: (1) Politology, (2) Theory and History of Politics, & (3) Political Philosophy. By using documents, the author of this article shows how political science is differently structured by IPSA & APSA. The author describes 120 years of dominantly American development of political science & of professions of political scientists, which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines & areas of expertise that are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: (1) Political Institutions, (2) Political Behavior, (3) Comparative Politics, (4) International Relations, (5) Political Theory, (6) Public Policy & Public Administration/Management, (7) Political Economy, & (8) Political Methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on the development of science, research organization, renewal of teaching staff at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 133 References. Adapted from the source document.
Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.
The author claims that Haberle's theory of the constitution is a science of culture, opposed to formalism, decisionism, positivism, & statism. It is based on the continuity & the relationship among culture-building, law, & state. The subjects of the constitution-formative authority are mutually culturally linked citizens who decide on the objectively given subject-matter & procedures. The theory of the constitution as a science of culture is based on the assumption that serious conflicts among the open societies of Western Europe are highly unlikely. This represents a significant departure from the positivist theory of the state grounded in the conflict of interests & opinions as well as the strong regulatory role of the state. The author challenges Haberle's disregard for the crisis potential of modern societies & proposes that these two opposed theories should complement each other. The author goes on to describe Haberle's research method, which includes an analysis of both the cultural context & the normative/constitutional solutions. He applies this research method to the constitutional laws of Germany, Switzerland, & Austria, & also when comparing large & small states, or developed & underdeveloped ones. Haberle espoused Taylor's definition of culture: culture & civilization are equated so that the systems of culture are on the one hand products of activity, & on the other the conditioning element of future activity. According to Haberle, the culture of a community starts from the traditional, innovative & pluralist aspects that are the orientation points for constitutional science as a science of culture. Regarding tradition, culture is mediation of things past. The innovative aspect is based on the idea that culture is a further development of things past. Since culture is not uniform, its pluralist aspect should not be forgotten. Thus the citizens of a democratic constitutional state make up the cultural/anthropological premise, while the state is only one aspect of the constituted res publica. The constitutional state today goes beyond the scope of the national state since the regional European constitutional state has been evolving together with the outlines of "the world community of constitutional states.". 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
Mada se bavljenje »pučkim« u kazališnim režijama Marina Carića uglavnom prepoznaje preko njegove dugogodišnje suradnje s Hvarskim pučkim kazalištem, u ovom ću se radu baviti tretmanom pučkog i popularnog, dotičući se fragmenata cjelokupnog redateljskog opusa Marina Carića. I u trenucima kada režira klasike domaće i svjetske dramske književnosti, Carić povezuje teatar i komunu, odnosno zajednicu. Na taj način posredno progovara o premošćivanju granica između popularnog i »elitnog«, o odnosu individualnog i kolektivnog, svjesnog i nesvjesnog, kulturalnog i političkog. ; In this paper I will talk about the treatment of folk theatre and popular theatre in the whole directing work of Marin Carić. When directing classics of local and international literature, Carić connects theatre and commune (community). In that way he speaks about crossing boundaries between popular and elitistic, about relationship between individually and collectively, conscious and unconscious, culture and politics.
Prednosti komunikacije te lakšu dostupnost ciljnih javnost preko društvenih mreža prepoznale su i političke elite te su, osim tradicionalnih oblika komunikacije, političku komunikaciju obogatile društvenim medijima. Dominantna društvena mreža u Hrvatskoj je Facebook, iako nemali broj osoba iz javnoga života koristi i Twitter kao sredstvo komunikacije. Premda se raspravlja jesu li društveni mediji unaprijedili demokraciju ili je ugrozili, činjenica je da je ta platforma omogućila transparentniju i dostupniju komunikaciju koja zasigurno utječe na izgradnju imidža pojedinaca i institucija iz političke arene, kojima je takav oblik komunikacije omogućio i izgradnju vlastite virtualne zajednice. Struktura rada sastoji se od nekoliko većih cjelina i pripadajućih podcjelina. Razlike koje su uočene istraživanjem upućuju na to da su institucije, dakle ministarstva, u Sloveniji u daleko većoj mjeri prisutna u viralnome prostoru nego li je to slučaj u Hrvatskoj. Gledaju li se sami nositelji javne vlasti, ministri, oni su u Hrvatskoj, za razliku od Slovenije, prisutniji sa svojim službenim Facebook stranicama. Takvi rezultati, iako znakoviti, ne upućuju na to da se u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji komunikacija na digitalnim platformama koristi u svrhu političkoga diskursa ili u cilju informiranja ključnih aktera te posljedično kreiranja javnoga mišljenja o nekome političkom pitanju ; With the development of the Internet, as the fastest growing media, social networks have evolved, as well as everyday communication on these platforms. Benefits communication and easier access to the target public and has been recognized by the political elites and are, in addition to traditional forms of communication, political communication enriched communication on social media. The dominant social network in Croatia is Facebook, although not a small number of public life uses Twitter as a means of communication. Despite the numerous controversy over whether or not the social media have upgraded or threatened democracy, the fact is that this platform has enabled a more transparent and accessible communication that certainly has an impact on building the image of individuals and institutions from the political arena, which has made this form of communication possible to build a virtual community . The structure of the work consists of several larger entities and corresponding subdivisions. The first part of the work is based on theoretical insights. Minorizing the transition theory and democratization of post-communist societies, the theoretical part of the work also deals with civic participation and culture. All these transversal processes for three decades have also influenced the modification of communication, from top to bottom, therefore, towards citizens, from citizens to the public authorities. Therefore, political communication on social networks as well as social networks as a tool for creating a positive image in public relations will be treated theoretically. The second part of the deconstruction process is the presence of Croatian and Slovenian ministries, as a public authority institution and ministers on Facebook's social network. Compilation and descriptor methods, theoretical perspectives are dissected using relevant sources, while in the second part, the descriptive statistics method deconstructs the results obtained by research. Using the illustrations and the comparison method, the results are compared. At the end of the paper, the conclusion is based on theoretical strengths and results obtained.
Do prvih dodira lokalnog stanovništva s njemačkim jezikom, društvom i kulturom dolazi u Varaždinu već u srednjem vijeku zbog naseljavanja kraljevskih gostiju tzv. hospitesa, uglavnom iz njemačkog govornog područja. Daljnje naseljavanje Nijemaca, a time i preuzimanje njihova jezika i društveno-kulturoloških civilizacijskih stečevina, nastupa za vrijeme formiranja Vojne krajine. Vojnički i politički položaj za vrijeme Vojne krajine značio je za Varaždin prolaz njemačke i austrijske vojske, kao i doseljavanje njihovih oficira i administrativnih činovnika koji vode glavnu riječ u gradu i često zagorčavaju život lokalnom stanovništvu. U XIX. st. u Varaždinu se svi ugledniji građani, činovnici i aristokrati uglavnom služe njemačkim jezikom. U sklopu Habsburške Monarhije veze između Varaždinaca i Nijemaca se intenziviraju, dok u vremenu germanizacije i Bachova apsolutizma, Varaždin postaje pravi njemački grad u kojem se svi građani služe njemačkim kao službenim jezikom. Tek početkom I. svjetskog rata građani Varaždina više ne nalaze uzor u svemu što dolazi iz njemačkog govornog područja te se bilježi negativni trend opadanja broja stanovnika koji znaju i uče njemački jezik. ; The first contacts of local people and the German language, society and culture occurred in Varaždin in the Middle Ages, when royal guests, the so called hospites, arrived in the town from primarily German-speaking area. Further arrival of Germans, along with the influence of their language and socio-cultural features, dates back to the establishment of the Military Frontier. Due to the military and political position during the existence of the Military Frontier, German and Austrian armies did not only pass through Varaždin, but their officers and administration clerks also settled down there, representing the most influential people in the town who often caused trouble to the local people. In the nineteenth century, Varaždin's influential citizens, officers and aristocrats primarily spoke the German language. During the reign of the Habsburg Monarchy, the connections between Varaždin's people and the Germans became even more intense, moreover, during the period of Bach's Absolutism, Varaždin became a true German town, in which all inhabitants used German as the official language. When the First World War broke out, the people of Varaždin stopped looking up to everything originating from the German-speaking area, and for the first time the downward trend in the number of inhabitants who speak and study the German language occurred, which has continued until the present day.
The author gives a brief review of the theory of political obligation of citizens in democracy. If democracy is a regime based on the free will of individuals (citizens), then the concept of political obligation cannot be based outside this & such freedom. Unlike rights, obligations are always social (relational, reciprocal). Because their nature is social, they have to be socialized by the processes of education: this is the process of building a political habitus in the individual identity of every person. The political responsibilities, unlike the legal ones, cannot be adopted by chance (by the processes of functional socialization), but solely by means of citizens' systematic education, as they are grounded in the freedom of choice & the nurtured civic virtues. As such, they a part of the consciously built democratic political culture of citizens, & culture must be acquired only by the processes of learning & education. A separate analysis of the relationship between the citizens' political obligations & those of the political community has been carried out since the issue here is who citizens in democracy really are responsible to. Political responsibility is not due only to authority (state, sovereign) -- as initially emphasized by the social contract theories -- but also to the other fellow citizens, & to the political community as a historical repository of our obligations & responsibilities in their entirety. Finally, the problem of political obligations from the perspective of the logic of collective action is analyzed as well as the likelihood of the existence of 'freeriders' in the achieved structure of the common good. This analysis also shows how civic education is inherent to democratic regimes. References. Adapted from the source document.
The authors analyze the constitutional position of the Polish parliament after the democratic revolution of 1989, as well as its internal political dynamics. The parliament has two houses, endowed with different constitutional competences: Sejm (lower House) & Senate (upper House). The 460 members of the Sejm were elected in three electoral cycles (1989, 1991, & 1993) by means of majority & a proportional electoral system with various prohibitive clauses, while the 100 senators were elected by the majority electoral system. The changes in the electoral rules resulted in the altered parliamentary party system. While in the "contractual" Sejim, the seats (in accordance with a political agreement) were divided between the ruling communist bloc & the oppositional "Solidarity," the first freely elected Sejm had an extremely fragmented party structure, with 28 parties, while the second Sejm is moderately pluralist, with two parties of the government coalition & four opposition parties. The most remarkable feature of Polish political culture is an increasing professionalization of the parliament members as well as a growing political apathy of the general public & a meager turnout at the polls. 4 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.
Examines liberal democracy in relation to the European tradition from whence it sprung & enumerates the biggest differences between the historical forms of democracy & its modern guise. According to the author, the authentic enemies of modern liberal democracy are fascism & bolshevism. He summarizes his analyses into three points. (1) In western countries the principles of democracy have mostly been realized in the course of a long genesis following the conflict with monarchist absolutism & more recently, with fascism. (2) In the philosophy of modern day politics, mostly formal & quantitative aspects of democratic processes have been analyzed, which is the biggest shortcoming of these theories. That is why the author proposes an analysis of meaningful aspects of liberal democracy. (3) Focus is on the analysis of freedom & democracy as forms of the organization of political life of major human groups characteristic for the industrial age & modern capitalism. At the end of his study the author puts some light on the relationship between liberalism & democracy by describing the hermeneutical functions of morality in the modern age. The political culture & moral consciousness represent the base for the functioning of mediatory democracy. The hermeneutical nature of moral consciousness allows modern democracy to develop a practical relationship with its tradition without which it cannot function, as has been the case with those states in which democracy is being introduced today. Adapted from the source document.
Describes the study of the evolution of the awareness (understanding) & the practice (activities, participation) of citizenship among Croatian high school students (the first new generation of full-age citizens). The research was conducted in line with similar models in relevant international studies, which enabled a comparative analysis. The analysis of the concept (basic theory) of citizenship was followed by a comparative analysis of the development & the distribution of the citizenship awareness & the yardsticks of the practice of citizenship among Croatian high school students. A number of indicators of the awareness of citizenship (civic identity, the model & the type of citizenship, the concept of the "good citizen," & the concept of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy), & several measures of the practice of citizenship (political interest, discussing politics, following news in the media, the expected conventional & protest political activism, political tolerance) have been used. The comparative analysis has shown that the Croatian students are in some aspects of citizenship at the level of students in many of the comparison nations, but that in others there are significant differences; eg, their level of political interest is significantly lower. The analysis has shown that there is a high awareness of the rights, but relatively a low awareness of the duties, which may be the main problem in the development of political culture of Croatian students & citizens. The expected conventional & protest participation among the Croatian students is significantly lower than among students from other countries. The research also shows that among Croatian students (that phenomenon has also been noticed in other countries) there is a significant discrepancy between, for example, the awareness of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy & the level of political tolerance: the high level of awareness of one's rights (freedom of speech, association, etc) coexists with a relatively low level of tolerance. Thus, it can be said that various inconsistencies tag & "burden" the evolution of citizenship among Croatian high school students. 13 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.
