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Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

The essay analyses the political history of Norcia in the fifteenth century through its relations with the papal government. Starting from the institutional, social, territorial and factional framework of the city, the essay then moves on to the methods of intervention used by central authorities to exert political control over the Umbrian mountain area under the domination and influence of Norcia. As is argued, this was achieved through the selection of eminent groups of citizens and continuous negotiation with the local community through the mediation of local elites. ; Il testo analizza la storia politica di Norcia nel secolo XV, nelle sue relazioni con il governo pontificio. Partendo dal quadro istituzionale, sociale, territoriale e delle lotte di fazioni interne alla città, il saggio si concentra poi sui metodi di intervento da parte dell'autorità centrale nella gestione e nel controllo politico dell'area montana umbra posta sotto il dominio e l'influenza nursina, attraverso la selezione dei gruppi eminenti cittadini e la continua negoziazione con la comunità locale, in particolare per mezzo della mediazione di quegli stessi gruppi eminenti.

Članak propituje doprinos hrvatske politologije razvoju demokracije u Hrvatskoj. Fokus analize je pojam kulture o kojem autor govori u pet koraka. U prvom koraku je određena u modernom ključu, u drugom kao različita od prirode, a u trećemu kao različita od društva. U četvrtom se unutar politike razlikuje politička kultura od političke ekonomije i političkih ustanova, no u petom se pokazuje da je kultura nosivi dio politike i kao politics i kao policy i kao polity. Na temelju tih odredaba pokazuje se da je matica hrvatske politologije zaokupljena pretežito i u sve većoj mjeri izučavanjem upravo predmeta koji na prvi pogled pripadaju politici kao kulturi, i to u užem smislu političke kulture, te da se ona sama reproducira kao politička kultura. ; The article discusses the contribution of Croatian political science to the development of democracy in Croatia. The focus of the analysis is the concept of culture which author talks about in five steps. In the first step it is understood in the modern key, in the second step as different for nature and in the third as different from society. In the fourth step author differentiates political culture from political economy and political institutions, but in the fifth part there is an attempt to show culture as a fundamental part of politics, policy and polity. On the basis of these insights author shows that the matrix of Croatian political science is more and more devoted to scientific investigation of politics as culture as both study of political culture and as a source of development as politics as culture.

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei,19.-20. secolo ; La ricerca si è posta l'obiettivo di ricostruire l'elaborazione politica e le posizioni assunte dai partiti italiani rispetto alle problematiche poste dal processo d'integrazione europea, con riferimento all'impatto del Trattato di Maastricht e dell'Unione economica e monetaria, nel periodo che va dal 1988 (anno del Consiglio europeo di Hannover) al 1998 (ammissione alla terza fase dell'UEM dei Paesi in regola con i parametri di convergenza). Il decennio studiato rappresenta un periodo particolare per l'Italia repubblicana e per i suoi partiti: le forze politiche uscite dalla crisi del biennio 1992-1994, si dovettero ben presto misurare con le sfide poste dal nuovo Trattato, cercando di definire, nel nuovo bagaglio politico-identitario di riferimento, quale fosse la visione sull'Europa unita e sugli sviluppi del suo processo d'integrazione. In quest'ottica risulta evidente la contraddizione tra la retorica europeista che aveva raggiunto il culmine con il referendum del 1989 e l'Europa "possibile" che iniziò a prendere forma mano a mano che gli impegni di Maastricht si facevano più pressanti. La ricerca intende dunque rispondere alla domanda se l'ingresso dell'Italia nell'Euro sia avvenuto ad opera di un sistema partitico che, pur nella nuova diversità di posizioni, che avevano sancito la nascita di una netta frattura sull'europeismo, si era europeizzato, oppure se il nuovo sistema abbia continuato a percepire l'orizzonte europeo come un vincolo esterno, deprecabile o indispensabile a seconda delle rispettive posizioni. ; Research has set itself the goal of rebuilding policy development and the positions taken by parties in Italy compared to the problems posed by the process of European integration , with reference to the impact of the Treaty of Maastricht and the economic and monetary union , in the period from 1988 ( year of the European Council in Hanover ) to 1998 ( admission to the third phase of Economic Monetary Union of the countries in good standing with the convergence criteria ). The decennio that we studied represents a particular period for Italy Republican and its parties: the political forces coming out from the crisis of the biennium 1992-1994 , there were soon confronted with the challenges posed by the new treaty , trying to define , in the new baggage policy reference of identity , which was the vision of the unification of Europe and on its development and its integration process. In this perspective it's evident the contradiction between the rhetoric Europeanist which had peaked in the referendum of 1989 and in the " possible " Europe that began to take shape gradually when commitments from Maastricht were getting more pressed. So the research aims to anwer the question if the entry of Italy in the Euro system has been the work of a party system that, despite the new diversity of positions, which had sanctioned the creation of a clear division on Europeanism, was Europanised, or if the new system has continued to perceive the European horizon as an external constraint, despicable or essential according to the respective positions.

This article suggests that the study of local development policies can be supported by the analysis of local political cultures &, in particular, by the analysis of local governance cultures. New-institutionalism offers a complementary point of view for the analysis of local development processes since local institutions can be seen to play an important role in our understanding of both the modality of political culture reproduction & the capacity of different contexts to meet the challenges of economic globalization & Europeanization. The article presents a contextual comparative analysis of two different Italian local political cultures, the "Red" one in the Emiia Romagna region (socialist/communist) & the "White" one in the Veneto region (catholic). These regional contexts are characterized by two different local policy styles & administrative practices that have articulated two different "modes of governance" in local development. The case study of a national policy to support the industrial districts development (L.317/1991), & the different regional applications, can help us to better understand these elements of analysis. 2 Figures, 97 References. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure, ie, within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims -- primarily in line with the functional theory of culture -- that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, ie, that "culture is a structure's way of life," that culture determines the structure) & the contemporary interactional approach (in which -- primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" -- complex relations among various cultural variables & structural variables are analyzed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate & useful in understanding & maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important & more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems & coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors & the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

(See Part I in Politika Misao, 1999, 36, 1, 113-139.) Part II seeks to prove the connection among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure: the notion that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure; & the contemporary interactional approach, which considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis demonstrates how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that, in the future, they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also in attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. Adapted from the source document.

Autori u radu istražuju fenomen političkoga vodstva kao jednoga od segmenata šireg koncepta društvenog vodstva. Ukazuju na više definicija potvrđujući činjenicu da se vodstvo danas u suvremenoj literaturi različito definira. Za dublje razumijevanje teme ukazuje se na osnovne elemente i aktivnosti (posao) vodstva. Razumijevanje političkoga vodstva znači i razumijevanje utjecaja političke kulture. Ukazano je na ključnu razliku između vodstva i upravljanja kao i specifičnosti predsjedničkoga vodstva. Političko vodstvo u užemu kontekstu uvijek se razmatra preko izvora autoriteta i moći, te etike vodstva. Ovaj rad time daje osnove teorijskoga pristupa proučavanja političkog liderstva. ; The authors research the phenomenon of political leadership as one of the segments of the broader concept of social leadership. It is pointed to several definitions, confirming the fact that leadership is defined differently in contemporary literature today. For a deeper understanding of the topic, the basic elements and activities (work) of leadership are outlined. Understanding political leadership also means understanding the impact of political culture. The key difference between leadership and management, as well as the specifics of presidential leadership, is pointed out. In a narrow context, political leadership is always analysed through sources of authority and power, and ethics of leadership. This paper provides the basis for a theoretical approach to the study of political leadership.