Suchergebnisse

South African democracy spans two very different worlds. In one, people complain loudly but enjoy full democratic rights – in the other, most remain unheard and battle for the right to speak. In both, life is difficult for those who do not conform.

This Discussion Paper highlights in complementary ways problems and challenges for governance issues under centralised state agencies, which base their authority and legitimacy on a dominant party and its influence. The case study on Namibia argues for a need for parliamentary and administrative reform to improve the efficiency of lawmakers. The Botswana chapter explores the decision on the location of the country's second university as an act without consultation of the local population. The Zimbabwe paper advocates an approach in favour of using the African Peer Review Mechanism as an instrument to assist in a change towards better governance. All the authors have intimate knowledge of the matters discussed through their own involvement with the respective cases and/or their individual positioning within these societies. This publication is among the final results of the project "Liberation and Democracy in Southern Africa" (LiDeSA), which was undertaken at the Institute between 2001 and 2006. ; CONTENTS -- Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe – Anything in Common? Introductory Remarks. Henning Melber -- Time for Renewal? The Namibian State and Its Governance. Gerhard Tötemeyer -- 'A Home Town Decision?' The Location of Botswana's Second University. Christian John Makgala -- Bob Is Peerless: Zimbabwe and the Quest for an African Peer Review Mechanism. Sabelo. J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni

Parliamentary and local elections were held in the Philippines on the 14th of May 2007. While the
government was able to sustain a sound majority in the house of representatives, it now has to face
a senat that is dominated by opposition parties. Government policies or draft bills may possibly
be blocked more effectively than before which in turn may lessen the administration's room for
manoeuvre. Yet, both legislative bodies have in common that they are subjected to oligarchic
influence beyond party boundaries. The president's defeat in the senat can be explained by the
ongoing accusations of corruption, electoral manipulation and the negative impact of the national
state of emergency declared in February 2006. All these issues helped to reduce the popularity of
President Arroyo. Furthermore, the election results reveal a revitalized opposition and traces of a
critical public opinion. Hence, successful reforms, especially in the field of tax- and fiscal-policy
are not appreciated accordingly.

Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1 "Konkurrenz" als allgemeine Bedingung und Determinante organisatorischer Strukturbildung; 2 Förderliche und hindernde Bedingungen interparteilicher Konkurrenz bei Schweizer Lokalparteien; 3 Anlage der Untersuchung und empirische Daten; 4 Ausmass und kausale Determinanten interparteilicher Kompetitivität; 5 Die Kompetitivität als Kausalfaktor der Parteiorganisation; 5.1 Mobilisierung der Ressourcen; 5.2 Konkurrenz und Formalisierung; 5.3 Konkurrenz und parteiinterne Kommunikation; 5.4 Konkurrenz und parteiinterne Machtstrukturen; 6 Schlussfolgerungen.

Die Verfasser geben einen Überblick über die Bedeutung der Wiedervereinigung beider deutschen Staaten für die westdeutsche Bevölkerung sowie hierzu geäußerte Einstellungen im Spiegel von Meinungsumfragen der Jahre 1948 bis 1989. Herangezogen werden Ergebnisse aus Berichten früher amerikanischer Untersuchungen sowie Studien aus den maschinenlesbaren Datenbeständen des Zentralarchivs für empirische Sozialforschung in Köln. Es wird deutlich, daß die Beurteilung von Vereinigungschancen einerseits und Einstellung zur Wiedervereinigung andererseits eine beträchtliche Diskrepanz aufweisen. Während die positive Einstellung zur Wiedervereinigung auf hohem Niveau konstant bleibt, werden die Chancen hierzu in den fünfziger und sechziger Jahren zunehmend negativ beurteilt. Dieser Trend kehrt sich erst mit der neuen Politik der UdSSR unter Gorbatschow um. (WZ)

Ziel dieses Beitrages ist es, die Probleme zu identifizieren, denen die politischen Autoritäten der westlichen Regierungen heute gegenüberstehen. Im ersten Abschnitt werden das Konzept der politischen Autorität definiert und jene Probleme herausgearbeitet, die für die Autoritäten zentral sind. In den nächsten beiden Abschnitten erfolgt eine Betrachtung der Frage, ob aus den unter den gegenwärtigen Umständen andauernden Problemen der Mittelzuweisung und der Regierungsorganisation neue Herausforderungen für die politischen Autoritäten erwachsen. Fragen der politischen Zustimmung werden in den beiden Abschnitten betrachtet, die sich mit Wertkonflikten und mit behördlicher Gleichgültigkeit befassen. In dem abschließenden Abschnitt wird über das zentrale Metaproblem der politischen Autoritäten nachgedacht: Untergraben die Herausforderungen an die Wirksamkeit der Regierung die politische Zustimmung? (RW)

The fortunes of the two weekly magazines Triunfo and La Calle reflect the decline of the Marxist left in Spain during the transition to democracy. While Triunfo evolved from a position of resistance under the Franco regime towards a pragmatism that disenchanted many of its readers, in 1978, the creation of the new weekly La Calle represented a rallying cry to a readership that had already begun to drift away from the Marxist left, both in political terms and in terms of the kind of publication it was keen to buy. The study of the two magazines in these crucial years of the transition serves to exemplify the demise of the Spanish left: with time, both lost their market niche to more moderate and more profitable publications.

El imaginario político latinoamericano se asienta sobre unos marcos categoriales y unos presupuestos conceptuales que son demasiado estrechos y reducidos. La actitud de no cuestionarlos consolida los intereses de los grupos dominantes que se benefician del actual sistema capitalista. Se hace necesario contar con más elementos y más variables de análisis para comprender mejor la práctica política y estudiar mejor la realidad desigual y la cultura autoritaria y no democrática de América Latina. ; The Latin American political imaginary settles on categorical frames and conceptual assumptions that are too narrow and limited. The attitude of not questioning them consolidates the interests of the dominant groups that benefit from the current capitalist system. It becomes necessary to rely on more elements and variables of analysis to better understand the political practice and study the unequal reality and the authoritarian and not democratic culture of Latin America. Taking Evo Morales's Bolivia as background, it is needed to visualize limits and conditions both external and internal: among others, the economic context, the political elitism, the urgency of claiming a participative democracy of people, etc. With them it will be possible to better accompany the development of a more popular and liberating politics.

'Der Artikel wendet die Kriterien der politikwissenschaftlichen Debatte über 'defekte' bzw. 'hybride' Demokratien in den Ländern eines Übergangs von diktatorischen zu nicht-diktatorischen Regimes auf die institutionelle Politik der Europäischen Union an. Dabei erweist sich, dass in der Genealogie wie im gegenwärtigen Entwicklungsstand der EU nicht nur temporäre 'Defizite', sondern strukturelle Ursachen für ihre mangelhafte demokratische Struktur verantwortlich sind. Es wird hervorgehoben, dass die Gründung der EU nicht auf einer historisch-politischen tabula rasa stattgefunden hat, dass es also eine institutionelle 'Stunde Null' nicht gab. Die EU steht vielmehr in einer institutionellen Tradition und in einer 'Pfadabhängigkeit' gegenüber autoritativen Entwicklungsregimes, wie sie zur Modernisierung und Ökonomisierung von vielen Staaten Europas eingesetzt wurden.' (Autorenreferat)

Considers the implications for political sociology of the recent success of the French unemployed movement, seen as an example of how protest by marginal social groups with limited conflict resolution & organizational capacities need not necessarily fail. Factors in this success, including networks among groups of activists, organizational support by prominent members of trade unions & political parties, & favorable media coverage, are discussed. It is shown how legitimacy was gained from widespread popular support derived from characteristics of French political culture, including powerful loyalty to the welfare state & the strength of claims to social citizenship rights. It is argued that the peculiarity of the French case depends on the availability of intermediary actors, who can play a direct political representative role. It is concluded that, in the Federal Republic of Germany, actors & new discussion are emerging that could lead to a renewed politicization of established interest organizations. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cambodia's hegemonic party system that emerged after the violent removal of First Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh early in July 1997 has now given way to a one-party state, which still remains prone to tension and instability. The party system has become less factionalised and can be characterised as moving from high to medium factionalism. This development resulted from the growing domination of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) and the weakening of the opposition parties, such as National United Front for an Independent, Netural, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia, which splintered and become almost irrelevant in Cambodian politics. The Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) emerged as the main opposition party after the 2013 election but was then banned from competing in the 2018 election. Although the CNRP remains united by its anti-CPP position, it is still fractured along political lines between two former opposition parties – the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party. Historical institutionalism sheds some new light on the variation of political developments among political parties and within them, but does not supplant the fact that party leaders are rational to the extent that they select strategies in pursuit of their interests defined as power or security under specific institutional constraints or the lack thereof.