Suchergebnisse

Intro -- فهرس المحتويات -- المقدمة -- الفصل الأول : الإطار النظري للسياسة الخارجية -- الفصل الثاني : سياسة الهند الخارجية -- الفصل الثالث : الهند والعلاقات الخارجية -- الفصل الرابع : فلسطين في سياسة الهند الخارجية -- الفصل الخامس : الهند ومشاريع التسوية للصراع الفلسطيني الإسرائيلي -- الخاتمة -- المراجع

This study analyses the role of the beliefs of the political leadership and the effect of these beliefs on decision-making. The subject of the study is the vision of the political leadership in the Arab Republic of Yemen. (DÜI-Sdt)

The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.

The geo-economy presents Lebanon with challenges associated with being a nexus for regional fault lines and risks from its dependence on capital inflows. Despite markedly improved security conditions since the start of 2015, anxiety over regional turmoil and potential spillover effectspersist. All the while, Lebanon continues to be, by far, the largest host of Syrian refugees (in proportion to the population). In addition, the economy's dependence on its diaspora to finance internal and external imbalances exposes Lebanon to economic and political conditions beyond its influence. Despite these challenges and risks, the political process remains impaired with the vacant presidency completing its second year with uncertain prospects of a near-term resolution. On the other hand, a short-term solution has been found to the garbage crisis that has left piles of trash uncollected on the streets across the country since summer 2015. The Lebanon Economic Monitor provides an update on key economic developments and policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank work on Lebanon. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and other changes in policy on the outlook for Lebanon. Its coverage ranges from the macro-economy to financial markets to indicators of human welfare and development.

نظرا للأهمية التي تحتلها الإدارة داخل أجهزة الدولة، اعتبرها البعض "دولة داخل دولة"، في حين ذهب باحثون آخرون إلى أن الإدارة هي "مجموعة من المؤسسات الإدارية الموضوعة رهن تصرف الحكومة والمنفصلة عنها مع التراشح بينهما، تساهم في الوظيفة التشريعية والحكومية، تمارس نشاطا فعالا لا موجها لتحقيق التنمية والإصلاح والتحديث والفعاليات المختلفة ضمن سياق سياسي معين. بتأملنا في هذا التعريف يمكن القول أن الإدارة، هي دلك الجهاز أو الهيكل، حيث تم تنفيذ القرارات الصادرة عن الحكومة علما أنه منفصلا عنها، كما يستشف من نفس التعريف أن الإدارة تساهم في الوظيفة التشريعية والتنفيذية، هادفة لتحقيق التنمية والإصــلاح ويــرى عبد الله شنفار أن الإدارة تكليف ومسؤولية تدبير أهداف معينة خدمة للصالح العام ; Given the importance that the administration occupies within the state apparatus, some considered it a "state within a state", while other researchers argued that the administration is "a group of administrative institutions placed at the disposal of the government and separated from it, with the interplay between them, that contribute to the legislative and governmental function, and exercise an effective activity." It is not directed towards achieving development, reform, modernization and various activities within a specific political context. Reflecting on this definition, we can say that the administration is the body or structure, where the decisions issued by the government have been implemented, knowing that it is separate from it. It is also evident from the same definition that the administration contributes to the legislative and executive function, aiming to achieve development and reform. Abdullah Shanfar believes that the administration Assignment and responsibility for managing specific objectives in the public interest. ; Given the importance that the administration occupies within the state apparatus, some considered it a "state within a state", while other researchers argued that the administration is "a group of administrative institutions placed at the disposal of the government and separated from it, with the interplay ...

Hawari, Anwar al-: Qabla an tada'u 'l-harb auzaraha. = Before the war ends. - S. 42-43. Qar'i, Ahmad Yusuf: Maglis al-Amn wa-ma'ziq al-amn al-gama'i ad-dauli. = The Security Council and the crisis of international security. - S. 44-49. 'Abd-al-Magid, Wahid: Al-Idara al-'iraqiya li-'l-azma wa-'l-harb. = The Iraqi management of the political crisis and the war. - S. 50-53. Mahmud, Ahmad Ibrahim: Harb al-Halig at-talita: al-istiratigiyat al-'askariya wa-dalalat as-sumud al-'iraqi. = Military strategies and Iraqi resistance. - S. 54-59. Nasrawi, Saif: Hizb al-Ba't wa-'l-harb al-amrikiya 'ala 'l-'Iraq. = The Baath Party and the US war on Iraq. - S. 60-65. 'Abd-al-Fattah, Basir: Al-Gais al-'iraqi wa-'l-wad' as-siyasi fi 'Iraq ma ba'd al-harb. = The role of the army in post-war Iraq. - S. 66-71. 'Ali, Magauri Salabi: Al-Iqtisad al-'iraqi... min al-hisar ila ma ba'd al-harb. = The economy of Iraq: from sanctions to war. - S. 72-81. Nawar, Ibrahim: Mustaqbal al-'Iraq: mahammat i'adat al-bina' as-siyasi wa-'l-mu'assasi. = The political and institutional reconstruction of Iraq. - S. 82-91. Sa'dawi, 'Atif: Akrad al-'Iraq baina 'l-muntazir wa-'l-mustaqbal al-manzur. = The future of the Kurds. - S. 92-95. 'Abd-as-Safi', 'Isam: Mu'assasat sun' al-qarar al-amrikiya wa-idarat al-azma al-'iraqiya. = The management by US decision-making institutions of the Iraqi crisis. - S. 96-107. Anani, Halil al-: Al-Iqtisad al-amriki: hisabat al-taklifa wa-'l-'a'id. = The US economy. The cost and returns of war. - S. 108-117. Salama, Adib Nagib: Al-Kana'is al-amrikiya tawaguh siyasat ar-ra'is Bus. = The US Church stands up to Bush policies. - S. 118-123. Idris, Muhammad as-Sa'id: Maglis at-Ta'awun al-Haligi wa-'l-'Iraq. = The Gulf states and Iraq. - S. 124-131. Hamada, Amal: Iran wa-'s-Sarq al-Ausat al-gadid. = Iran and the new Middle East. - S. 132-139. Dimitri, Hani 'Adil: Mu'dilat siyasat Turkiya 'l-harigiya tugaha 'l-azmat al-'iraqiya. = Turkish foreign policy and the problems of the Iraqi crisis. - S. 140-149. Gad, 'Imad: Ar-Ru'ya al-isra'iliya li-'l-harb 'ala 'l-'Iraq wa-ma ba'daha. = Israel's perspective on the war and its consequences. - S. 150-153. Sarqawi, Yusra as-: Amrikiya 'l-Latiniya wa-'l-harb al-amrikiya 'ala 'l-'Iraq. = Latin America and the war on Iraq. - S. 154-159. Muhammad, 'Ala' Guma'a: Al-Iqtisad ad-dauli baina 'l-kasad wa-'l-harb. = The impact of the war on the world economy. - S. 160-163