Tastekeepers - Taste structures, power and aesthetic-political positions in the elites of the Norwegian cultural field
In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 55-75
ISSN: 2000-8325
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In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 55-75
ISSN: 2000-8325
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 135-142
ISSN: 0020-577X
Challenges James Godbolt's article titled 'the Vietnam War in Norway' by claiming that there were in fact two different Norwegian perspectives - one was found in the anti-war movement, the other in the political elite. A closer inspection of the Labor Party dominated journals, which lead the government, reveals that in the 1960's the Norwegian government, as a NATO member, was supporting America's efforts, whereas a shift occurred after 1967 when the anti-war minority opinion started to gain traction. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 579-602
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 139-162
ISSN: 0020-577X
Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 2, S. 217-236
ISSN: 0020-577X
Between Nov 2003 & Jun 2004, Georgia experienced several dramatic political events. President Eduard Shevardnadze was ousted in a peaceful revolt that was subsequently dubbed the 'Rose Revolution.' He was replaced by a trio of young politicians with the charismatic 35-year-old Mikheil Saakashvili at the helm. The article argues that the actual change was less deep than it was presented in the international media, & that it primarily constituted a youth rebellion within the ethnically Georgian elite in the country's capital, Tbilisi. The new generation of leaders faces a range of pressing problems, in particular corruption & the disintegration of the Georgian state. Several high-profile arrests have been carried out & the renegade republic Adjara was brought back into the fold when Tbilisi won a standoff with its corrupt leader, Asian Abashidze. Problems such as the separatist movement in Abkhazia will, however, be far more difficult to solve. There is a danger that Saakashvili's regime will proceed too fast, be sidetracked by vendettas against old enemies or fail to consolidate democracy. At the moment, however, this is one of the most promising governments in the former Soviet Union. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 443-460
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 423-433
ISSN: 0020-577X
The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 3, S. 310-337
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 175-196
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article presents & analyses continuity & changes in France's politics in Africa during the past 15 years. Practical political decisions are discussed in relation to central French strategies towards Africa & to speeches by elite politicians. French Africa policy during Sarkozy's first two years as president is examined in greater detail. The article concludes that important changes in French policy towards Africa are taking place, but that Francafrique will continue as long as the key figures in this policy are still alive. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 261-273
ISSN: 0020-577X
The Liberian state was originally founded by freed American slaves, or Americo-Liberians, who became the elite group of the country and against whom the natives fought. A bloody war lasted from 1989 to 2003 between the 16 different groups of people, which eventually tapered down in 2003 when the United Nations re-entered the country. Since then, the UN has fought for increased security and against corruption and conflicts, which were reduced by democratizing and localizing the political power. The major unsolved problems evolve around citizenship and landownership issues. Commissions have been set up to solve these, but they lack funding, political support and a clear mandate. The 100,000 soldiers that became unemployed after the war ended are also causing concerns in a newly stabilized country that essentially lacks legitimacy among its people. L. Pitkaniemi