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The main purpose of my article is to analyze political ideology as a set of philosophical, social, political, psychological ideas specific to an era or a social group. In this sense, ideology is imposed by authority, by indoctrination (instruction), by a mentality of individuals and implicitly enters into the daily life of people (family, work, society, nation, etc.). According to my main hypothesis, the general theory of ideology is specified for the vast interdisciplinary "field" of political and sociological sciences: psychological cognition and interaction, the various psychoanalytic origins of its functioning, cultural processes and practices, and political discourse, in that they characterize political groups (such as political parties, political leaders, identifications, social movements, intergroup and international relations, etc.). According to several studies analyzed in the article, the main personality traits have a significant impact on the behaviors, attitudes, psychoanalytic identifications, political ideas (electoral choices, preference for the given ideology, attraction to the particular political leader, etc.) of individuals in society. ; Le but principal de mon article est d'analyser l'idéologie politique comme un ensemble des idées philosophiques, sociales, politiques, psychologiques propres à une époque ou à un groupe social. Dans ce sens, l'idéologie est imposée d'autorité, par un endoctrinement (enseignement), par une mentalité des individus et de façon implicite dans la vie courante des gens (famille, travail, groupe, société, nation, etc.). Selon mon hypothèse principale, la théorie générale de l'idéologie est spécifiée pour le vaste « champ » interdisciplinaire des sciences politiques et sociologiques : de la cognition et de l'interaction psychologiques, des origines diverses psychanalytiques de son fonctionnement , des processus et pratiques culturels et du discours politique, en cela qu'ils caractérisent les groupes politiques (tels que les partis politiques, les leaders politiques, ...

The main purpose of my article is to analyze political ideology as a set of philosophical, social, political, psychological ideas specific to an era or a social group. In this sense, ideology is imposed by authority, by indoctrination (instruction), by a mentality of individuals and implicitly enters into the daily life of people (family, work, society, nation, etc.). According to my main hypothesis, the general theory of ideology is specified for the vast interdisciplinary "field" of political and sociological sciences: psychological cognition and interaction, the various psychoanalytic origins of its functioning, cultural processes and practices, and political discourse, in that they characterize political groups (such as political parties, political leaders, identifications, social movements, intergroup and international relations, etc.). According to several studies analyzed in the article, the main personality traits have a significant impact on the behaviors, attitudes, psychoanalytic identifications, political ideas (electoral choices, preference for the given ideology, attraction to the particular political leader, etc.) of individuals in society. ; Le but principal de mon article est d'analyser l'idéologie politique comme un ensemble des idées philosophiques, sociales, politiques, psychologiques propres à une époque ou à un groupe social. Dans ce sens, l'idéologie est imposée d'autorité, par un endoctrinement (enseignement), par une mentalité des individus et de façon implicite dans la vie courante des gens (famille, travail, groupe, société, nation, etc.). Selon mon hypothèse principale, la théorie générale de l'idéologie est spécifiée pour le vaste « champ » interdisciplinaire des sciences politiques et sociologiques : de la cognition et de l'interaction psychologiques, des origines diverses psychanalytiques de son fonctionnement , des processus et pratiques culturels et du discours politique, en cela qu'ils caractérisent les groupes politiques (tels que les partis politiques, les leaders politiques, ...

Racism, xenophobia and political ideologies in soccer stadiums Racist and xenophobic incidents in soccer stadiums seem to be on the rise lately, prompting politicians, sports leaders, even the pope in person, to denounce this phenomenon and announce measures for its eradication. But are these problems all that recent? Aren't the announcements of measures to stop what goes on in the stadiums a response to the urging of the media in the face of disturbances of the "order in public"? In fact, these stances indiscriminately lump together manifestations and behaviors which, though highly reprehensible, often have nothing to do with each other, instead of trying to interpret the goings-on in the stadiums with a view to adapting political and social responses accordingly and attempting to guard against them. Based on a study of hooliganism begun nearly 10A years ago, the foregoing article analyzes existing and emerging ideologies in the stadiums, scrutinizing diverse manifestations of racism in order to examine social and identity constructs as well as the social processes at work in the bleachers of European stadiums. Adapted from the source document.

The scholarship on interwar Romania has routinely explored the relationship between monarchism and nationalism, especially under King Carol II (1930-1940). The royalist ideology developed during his reign was grounded on the idea of a leader destined to lead an endeavour of national regeneration. The official propaganda and the King's supporters have always presented the monarch's political, cultural or social initiatives as being oriented towards achieving this goal. In order to explore the way in which the rise of monarchical authoritarianism is legitimized by modernist ideas and practices, this article applies a conceptual framework used by the British scholar Roger Griffin in an attempt to understand the nature of the symbiosis between monarchism and projects of national renewal in 1930's Romania.

Japan has experienced two major periods of privatization: railroads & telecommunications under Premier Nakasone (1982-1986) & the post office under Premier Koizumi (2001-2006). Between these two episodes, Japan has also pursued deregulation & market-opening policies (1996-2006). The article analyzes the political processes behind this succession of events. It demonstrates that neoliberal ideology was not a decisive factor in itself & that it was often a minority stance in Japan. In fact, the major privatization reforms took place when political entrepreneurs who enjoyed considerable political autonomy managed to exploit this ideology to direct political ends & used privatization as an instrument to restructure the political sphere. Adapted from the source document.

This essay provides an introduction to the work of Stuart Hall, including a text of his, hitherto unpublished in French, that may be found below. The work of the leading thinker in the field of Cultural Studies is focused on popular cultures, Margaret Thatcher's authoritarian populism, and the analysis of racism, ethnic identities, and post-colonialism. The text of Hall's published here bears on the third of these three preoccupations. It sketches a theory of ideology and also of racism and puts forward an intersectional analysis of domination. Our introduction sets out to bring Hall's analyses into relation with questions of interest to the human and social sciences today, while showing how Hall's work makes it possible to resolve a number of problems central to the French debate about ideology, racism, and intersectionality. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; analyse des sources idéelles du mouvement décroissantiste français

This article explores the short-term transmission of ideological left-right orientations between parents & children. It is based on data from the Swiss Household Panel (www.swisspanel.ch), which allow for the analysis of multi-generational households. The results indicate that political left-right orientations are indeed passed over from parents to their children. However, this transmission operates differently depending on the sex of the concerned parent & child. In the short term, the transmission occurs particularly within milieus that are well-educated, better-off, & politically aware. This implies that paradoxically, among the young voters, those who are disadvantaged or uninterested in politics are most likely to have a strong impact on the current distribution of political power. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Facing a completely new situation in Indochina, where the communist Viet-Minh seized power in August 1945, the French authorities reacted according to a system of thinking inherited from World War II They applied already-tested models to an adversary whose identity was difficult to define, but whose propaganda did not completely deceive them, in order for it to become more familiar. Thus, they reached the stage of constructing it as a World War II enemy: this construction, which aimed to justify the French action carried out in Indochina towards Allies hostile to their return to the peninsula, contributed to making the Viet-Minh the reflection of French political passions. Adapted from the source document.

The analysis of what laicity currently represents in the opinions and the attitudes of the French people reveals the existence of two dimensions of laicity : one republican, which becomes less frequent among the young people, the other separatist. Strongest adhesion to laicity considered under its two facets, republican and separatist, remains related on irreligion and the left wing, but much of Catholics, and some right-oriented people are republican laics. What differentiates right-oriented laics from left-oriented laics is the significance of certain attitudes, that they seem to have in common. Thus the rejection of the Islamic headscarf goes with tolerance for the left-oriented and goes with hostility towards immigrants for the right-oriented. Tables, Figures, Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.