Suchergebnisse

As traditional ideologies evolve -- going through the process of breaking down & regrouping -- new ideologies (such as green perspectives) have emerged, illustrating the similarities that exist among all political ideologies. Though many have argued that "liberalism" has become the dominant political ideology of the 20th century, it must be remembered that conservatism, feminism, & nationalism remain strong. Meanwhile, recent ideologies such as postmodernism & poststructuralism dominate contemporary thought. This scenario leads to four conclusions: (1) Disillusionment with the state may cause conflict between ideology & the nation-state; however, nationalisms will continue to occupy a central position among ideologies. (2) The difference between "full" & "thin" ideologies has become more apparent. (3) Though essential, political ideologies have become more fragmented. (4) It is evident that ideologies can take on a variety of cultural forms, which are apparent in contemporary advertising, literature, & film. K. Larsen

The present-day relevance of Alexis de Toqueville's 1830s notion of "American exceptionalism" is evaluated, particularly its application to explanations of the weakness of working-class radicalism & class awareness in the US. It is concluded that the rigid class stratification & consequent political cleavages of advanced industrial, but formerly feudal, countries are becoming increasingly similar to the US system, with its weaker status structure & lack of a feudal history. Reasons why the US is exceptional in never having developed a significant socialist movement or labor party are examined from Marxist & other perspectives, & comparisons made with the European political party structure, particularly in terms of its close links with economic & class structures. It is concluded that the US is no longer as exceptional politically as it was at the time of Toqueville's analysis. 85 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The present-day relevance of Alexis de Toqueville's 1830s notion of "American exceptionalism" is evaluated, particularly its application to explanations of the weakness of working-class radicalism & class awareness in the US. It is concluded that the rigid class stratification & consequent political cleavages of advanced industrial, but formerly feudal, countries are becoming increasingly similar to the US system, with its weaker status structure & lack of a feudal history. Reasons why the US is exceptional in never having developed a significant socialist movement or labor party are examined from Marxist & other perspectives, & comparisons made with the European political party structure, particularly in terms of its close links with economic & class structures. It is concluded that the US is no longer as exceptional politically as it was at the time of Toqueville's analysis. 85 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Offers an overview of comparative empirical research on the ideologies & issues characterizing the 15 party systems of the European Union member states, 1945-1998, & outlines some directions for further research. Prominent theses regarding the "decline of ideology" & "cleavage freezing" are evaluated & trends in left-right polarization are noted across various elections. Parties are grouped into 10 "party families" whose policy positions are classified & relative strengths are assessed. The rise of two new issues -- environmental protection & administrative efficiency -- as key policy issues for all parties since the 1960s is noted. Tables. K. Hyatt Stewart

After tracing the origins of political parties in post-Soviet Estonia, parties are classified on the basis of "dispute measurements" -- from areas in which they fundamentally agree to those on which they widely diverge -- using a left-center-right continuum. It is shown that two key areas constitute the major source of interparty differences: socioeconomic & cultural-ethnic; ideological differences between parties are also noted. Data are presented on the performance of the major parties since independent Estonia held its first Riigikogu (parliamentary) elections in 1992, comparing results with those of the 1995 & 1999 elections; changes in the size & number of parties, the rise & fall of coalitions, & characteristics of party supporters are analyzed. The fundamentals of the Party Law adopted in 1994 are outlined & the structure of the party system is described, concluding that it lags far behind that of more developed democracies; electoral participation also remains quite low. 14 Tables, 2 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

The green political perspective has been in existence for only the last few decades, but its impact has been significant. In an attempt to understand green politics & its move toward political power, its perspective is outlined. Four analytical questions are asked: (1) When did the green perspective evolve into an independent ideological approach? (2) What is the relationship between greens & the traditional political Left/Right? (3) What position does the environmental critique occupy in the green worldview? (4) How does the green approach handle diversity? These questions are followed by an examination of the greens' successes & a discussion concerning the green perspective's future. It is concluded that environmental issues are likely to become increasingly important in the 21st century. As such, the greens are expected to assume a leading political role. K. Larsen

Textual analysis is used to eke out the complex, & often conflicting, ideologies that underlie discussions of globalization among "intellectual innovators" & to describe how these are implicated in the exercise of power. The core ideas embedded in the dynamics of neoliberal globalization are outlined, & four distinct ideological positions are identified: (1) the centrist neoliberal school; (2) internal criticisms of this school (reformist neoliberal institutionalism); (3) historical-materialist transformism; & (4) development transformism; key writings representing each position are noted. The conceptualization of globalization as an ideology of freedom vs one of domination reveals the intersubjective dimensions of the notion & its varied interpretations by different stakeholders according to their political & material interests. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines past & present religious & political fundamentalism in Japan & assesses its societal impact. Central to the analysis are the institutional (expressed in religious & political structures) & diffuse (general public awareness spread by mass media) aspects of these fundamentalisms. Japanese prewar political fundamentalism is described as expressing both these aspects as a civil religion founded & enforced by the government & spread through official religions, parareligious groups, & the media. The actions & ideologies of contemporary Japanese political fundamentalist groups, expressed in terrorist acts, legal challenges, textbook revision efforts, & nationalist sentiments, are analyzed. The growth & ideologies of Japan's pre-& post-WWII "new religions," which present alternatives to Shintoism & Buddhism, are discussed, arguing that these movements are more opportunistic than fundamentalist. While political fundamentalism has for the moment been limited to select, underground groups, the conditions for its success could arise again. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Political development in postcommunist Lithuania is described as a "negotiated transition," with 3-5 major political parties moving the country toward democratic consolidation. The history of competitive party politics in the country is traced from the end of WWI, through its suppression under Soviet rule, to the revival of a multiparty system with independence in 1990. Different methods of party development are identified, party ideologies are compared, & the performance of each major party in parliamentary elections, 1990-2000, is analyzed; voter turnout & party attachment are also assessed. It is concluded that Lithuania's parties are making good progress toward institutionalization & represent important intermediate structures in the consolidation of democracy. 16 Tables, 2 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

Draws on a new theory of ideology, as well as a project on the discursive reproduction of racism, to explore ideological properties of political discourses on immigration & minorities in seven European Union countries. The focus is on a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons; however, comparisons are made with anti-immigration arguments in other Western European countries where the flood of asylum seekers is a common topic. An elite theory of racism as a form of ethnic dominance is presented, along with the methodology for a multilevel analysis of text/talk in specific contexts that uses a sociocognitive approach to ideologies. Ways ideologies differ from general culturally shared knowledge are explored to argue that defining racism in terms of ideologies diminishes it as a system of social inequality that encompasses both a mental & social level of analysis. Numerous quotations are included to illustrate the nature of racist ideologies, how they are articulated in discourse of social/political interaction, & how they are reproduced in society. 1 Figure, 34 References. J. Lindroth

Draws on a new theory of ideology, as well as a project on the discursive reproduction of racism, to explore ideological properties of political discourses on immigration & minorities in seven European Union countries. The focus is on a debate on asylum seekers in the British House of Commons; however, comparisons are made with anti-immigration arguments in other Western European countries where the flood of asylum seekers is a common topic. An elite theory of racism as a form of ethnic dominance is presented, along with the methodology for a multilevel analysis of text/talk in specific contexts that uses a sociocognitive approach to ideologies. Ways ideologies differ from general culturally shared knowledge are explored to argue that defining racism in terms of ideologies diminishes it as a system of social inequality that encompasses both a mental & social level of analysis. Numerous quotations are included to illustrate the nature of racist ideologies, how they are articulated in discourse of social/political interaction, & how they are reproduced in society. 1 Figure, 34 References. J. Lindroth

A case study is offered of the transformation, 1964-1966, of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) from an organization based on a violence-eschewing, civil rights-based collective identity to a vehicle for radical black nationalism. The collective identity of the SNCC before & after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act is comparatively examined, noting how this legislation prompted an organizational identity crisis. The SNCC's attempt to redefine itself gradually led to a shift from its previous nonviolent agenda to black separatism & advocacy of a position of a "by any means necessary" philosophy for achieving social change. Analysis demonstrates how race, class, & gender changes both inside & outside of social movement organizations intersect in certain historical contexts to shape collective identities. K. Hyatt Stewart

Nationalist ideology in the 20th century has been addressed through two main approaches. The first is unease with nationalism & is evident in most European states. The second sees value in nationalism's social, political, & economic ideals. Thus, a paradoxical situation exists: nationalism is viewed as politically powerful yet unproven. This paradox is examined by looking at various tenets of nationalism such as its terminology & ideology. It is argued that nationalism was a powerful political force during the 20th century. Though many believed that nationalism would meet its demise following the end of the Cold War, it continues to remain strong, although its future is uncertain. It is concluded that nationalism is likely to be threatened by multiculturalism & new social movements, issues that this ideology is incapable of adequately addressing. K. Larsen

Arguments for the declining political significance of social class are typically based on perceptions of a weakening relationship between class & voting behavior. Building on Seymour Martin Lipset's (1959, 1981) analysis of working-class authoritarianism, it is suggested here that the relationship between class & political values -- economic conservatism or liberalism, on the one hand, & noneconomic liberalism/conservatism or authoritarianism, on the other -- is too simplistic, & must be extended to include cultural factors. Here, the role of education in accounting for cultural & economic liberalism is investigated, considering education as an indicator of social class & cultural capital. Panel data for 711 Dutch respondents collected in 1997 support Lipset's contention that the working class is the most culturally conservative & economically liberal. A high level of education is accompanied by economic conservatism, but has culturally liberalizing effects. Whether this is an effect of social class, however, is debated, since cultural capital or participation affects these values as well. Implications for theories & research on class voting are considered. 7 Tables, 3 Figures, 87 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

A case study is offered of the transformation, 1964-1966, of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) from an organization based on a violence-eschewing, civil rights-based collective identity to a vehicle for radical black nationalism. The collective identity of the SNCC before & after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act is comparatively examined, noting how this legislation prompted an organizational identity crisis. The SNCC's attempt to redefine itself gradually led to a shift from its previous nonviolent agenda to black separatism & advocacy of a position of a "by any means necessary" philosophy for achieving social change. Analysis demonstrates how race, class, & gender changes both inside & outside of social movement organizations intersect in certain historical contexts to shape collective identities. K. Hyatt Stewart